Thomas Frank wrote "That we are a nation divided is an almost universal lament of this bitter election year," then went on to observe that "we," by which he meant the commentariat, "know for sure the answer isn't class" and "rule that uncomfortable subject out from the start," instead certain that the matter must be culture, culture, not class, with the "red state-blue state" divide the favorite suspect and constant point of reference.
Frank wrote all this two decades ago, but it is still the song sung by the centrist "Establishment" commentator today, a reminder of how after the events of the last twenty years (a historic financial crash, the metastasizing of the country's wars, pandemic, the resurgence of great power confrontation, the profound deepening of the ecological crisis, the ascent of the far right) their conventional wisdom has not changed one iota, to their absolute discredit. Indeed, one can argue that their extreme refusal to countenance any "uncomfortable" ideas that call into question their complacent idiocies played its part in making the past two decades of American and world history the train wreck they have been.
Still, if their ideas about this matter did not change--if we still hear ceaselessly of "division," and "culture, not class," and "red states and blue states"--there is at least one thing that I can say seems to me different from how things stood in 2004. This is that Thomas Frank wrote that comment in an article for the New York Times--a newspaper far less likely to give Frank or anyone like him a platform these days as it boosts ever more openly far right commentators, all as Mr. Frank seems to be regarded as ever less admissible by the gatekeepers of Big Media broadly pushing the same line, as you are reminded should you look at its content.* Doing that these days you are far, far more likely to read about a soccer coach who just so happens to have the same name as Frank--while it seems telling that Frank's most conspicuous appearance in the print media in years would seem to be an interview not with any outfit comparable to the Times (or even The Guardian or Harper's, for which he used to write), but with Jacobin back in February.
* In the wake of Trump's victory at the polls (which came after I wrote this post) the Times deigned to publish Frank once more. You may read the item here.
Tuesday, December 3, 2024
The Stories Elites Tell Themselves About the World
A New York Times story about the response of then-President of the United States Barack Obama himself in the wake of Donald Trump's victory at the polls in 2016 reported that Obama "had read a column asserting that liberals had forgotten how important identity was to people and . . . promoted an empty cosmopolitanism that made many people feel left behind," and wondered aloud among his aides that "'Maybe we pushed too far . . . Maybe people just want to fall back into their tribe.'"
Whether it was an accurate account of President Obama's reaction or not it would seem telling that at least in the story he thought the vote was about "people . . . want[ing] to fall back into their tribe," and that this was what the Times reported--reflexively seeing the note of revolt in so many persons voting for Trump as a matter of cultural discontent rather than of economic discontent, with the issue "liberal" cosmopolitanism rather than the neoliberal economics promoted by "liberal" and "conservative" alike for four decades. Never popular and increasingly bankrupt, that neoliberalism, which eviscerated the industrial base, gutted public services and protective regulations, left Americans' incomes in freefall relative to the cost of living, and, as Arthur Schlesinger put it when writing of the monetary policy of Andrew Jackson's day that all too closely paralleled that of the neoliberal era, generally left them "the victims of baffling and malevolent economic forces which they could not profit by," was plausibly what really made much of the American public "feel left behind."
That Obama himself--Obama, who after promising the public he would stand against those "baffling and malevolent economic forces" on the campaign trail behaved as a staunch neoliberal in office, be the issue the financial crisis and its fallout, the reform of health care, energy-climate policy, or anything else--might in spite of his conduct of the immediately preceding eight years have in an unguarded moment actually shown himself to have been thinking this speaks to the depth of the preference of the elite Obama derived from and represents for regarding politics as a matter of cultural divisions than of class divisions, or "values" rather than "interests."
Thus does the American punditry prefer to speak of the "culture war" pitting religiosity against secularism, see the country as torn between states which are "Blue" or "Red," or even claim to "discover" that America is really nine or eleven or some other number of "nations" whose differences of culture are the key to understanding the country's political life--and amid it all see opposition to "globalization" less as a matter of reaction by those injured or made insecure by it against its economic inequities than a System that in the age of robotized factories producing Lexus luxury automobiles, some want to "hold on to their olive trees" (as Thomas Friedman wrote, and as Obama's statement suggested in its less imagistic way).
All this is underlined by how they do speak of "class" on those occasions when they dare to do so at all, preferring to treat this, too, as a cultural matter, stress "education" and consumption choices over property, income, wealth (such that for many, as Thomas Frank put it, "the word 'elite' refers . . . to someone who likes books"); bind up class with regionalism, as in discussion of "coastal" or "big-city" elites as against the presumed non-elite of the interior, rural areas and so forth, or with race as in rhetoric about the "White working class" (as if working people were not the great majority in every ethnic group); and speak of "classism" as if it were analogous to prejudices of ethnicity or gender ("racism," "sexism," etc.) rather than class being a matter of the fundamental structure of society itself, with all that means for understanding anything about society at all.
The result is about what you would expect, the Establishment "expert" centrists so fawn over apt to understand little or nothing about these matters, and after opening their unsightly yaps leave the minds of those who heed them even more muddled than they were before, such that it would have been better had they never said anything at all.
That Obama himself--Obama, who after promising the public he would stand against those "baffling and malevolent economic forces" on the campaign trail behaved as a staunch neoliberal in office, be the issue the financial crisis and its fallout, the reform of health care, energy-climate policy, or anything else--might in spite of his conduct of the immediately preceding eight years have in an unguarded moment actually shown himself to have been thinking this speaks to the depth of the preference of the elite Obama derived from and represents for regarding politics as a matter of cultural divisions than of class divisions, or "values" rather than "interests."
Thus does the American punditry prefer to speak of the "culture war" pitting religiosity against secularism, see the country as torn between states which are "Blue" or "Red," or even claim to "discover" that America is really nine or eleven or some other number of "nations" whose differences of culture are the key to understanding the country's political life--and amid it all see opposition to "globalization" less as a matter of reaction by those injured or made insecure by it against its economic inequities than a System that in the age of robotized factories producing Lexus luxury automobiles, some want to "hold on to their olive trees" (as Thomas Friedman wrote, and as Obama's statement suggested in its less imagistic way).
All this is underlined by how they do speak of "class" on those occasions when they dare to do so at all, preferring to treat this, too, as a cultural matter, stress "education" and consumption choices over property, income, wealth (such that for many, as Thomas Frank put it, "the word 'elite' refers . . . to someone who likes books"); bind up class with regionalism, as in discussion of "coastal" or "big-city" elites as against the presumed non-elite of the interior, rural areas and so forth, or with race as in rhetoric about the "White working class" (as if working people were not the great majority in every ethnic group); and speak of "classism" as if it were analogous to prejudices of ethnicity or gender ("racism," "sexism," etc.) rather than class being a matter of the fundamental structure of society itself, with all that means for understanding anything about society at all.
The result is about what you would expect, the Establishment "expert" centrists so fawn over apt to understand little or nothing about these matters, and after opening their unsightly yaps leave the minds of those who heed them even more muddled than they were before, such that it would have been better had they never said anything at all.
Europe's Failures: A Few Thoughts
In the 2020s the prospects of the European Union (EU) seem a long way from what its advocates and sympathizers and even its opponents thought it was a generation ago (when, for example, the anti-EU crowd in Britain hated the entity, but thought anything like Brexit just a fantasy, however much they longed for it). The change arguably comes down to three ways in which the EU's foundations proved wholly inadequate for the ambitions held for it, namely
1. The building up of the institution on the basis of short-term elite interest, and even that rather unevenly, the elites of the more powerful countries advantaged against those from poorer countries. Thus the EU produced a trade, fiscal and currency regime which gave German exporters access to the vast European market, the benefit of the cheaper labor just over their border in Eastern Europe, and the help of (in relation to their products) an undervalued currency that made for that much more competitiveness in the global market, producing Germany the export giant, and indeed the way a "greater Germany" in the economic sense has come to be the core of the Union. Other members of the Union, however, have not done nearly so well, Germany's gain often their loss (Germany is a champion exporter in part because it outcompetes them, while Germany does that in part because the German government has sacrificed the social rights of the German worker on the altar of "competitiveness" in the Hartz reforms and other policy changes, and with them their share in any gains, as the rising inequality in the country testifies. Meanwhile, looking even beyond the distribution of immediate costs and benefits, what about when just keeping the arrangement some found so congenial going required more than what German industrialists have found congenial in the short term? The European Union was not prepared for that.
2. The practical limits to Europe's expansion in the resulting conditions. Especially in light of that stress on short-term elite interests, with some elites more elite than others, one could expect expansion to stop where really big, deep, long-term thinking was required to make it happen—with one result the failure to incorporate the great bulk of the old "East bloc" and especially the former Soviet Union, with only Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia (6 million people altogether) in the EU, and Belarus, Moldova, Ukraine and especially Russia (almost 200 million people) outside it. The result is that in spite of the fall of the Iron Curtain and three decades of existence what is called the "European Union" actually encompasses a mere two-fifths of the territory of the European continent, containing a mere three-fifths of that continent's people, with little prospect of its being extended any time soon.
3. The economic situation of Europe along with the rest of the world in an era of profound global downturn, with which European elites were ill-equipped to deal. It can seem symbolic that the European Economic Community's first round of expansion came in 1973, the year widely associated with the end of the post-war boom, and the epoch of weaker growth that followed; that the European Community became the European Union in 1993, amid a deep global recession; that, barring the entry of Croatia, the EU reached its limits with the inductions of Bulgaria and Romania in 2007, the year in which a long-developing financial crisis came to a head and plunged the world into a recession from which it never truly recovered, such that it can seem as if Japan's "lost decades" became the norm for the industrialized world, with all that meant for Europe's own prospects.
One may question whether in anything like the world we live in the European Union could have developed in any other way. The relevant negotiations were between countries very different in development and interests, very unequal in size and power, and just as unequal internally with all that meant for the line they took. Reflecting this economic integration ranked at the top of the list of priorities of the elites of the participating countries, rather than democracy, equality or social concern, with many not at all sorry to see economic decisions about such fundamental matters as government spending or monetary policy made by bodies less accountable to their electorates, and imposing limits on what national governments could do--while as they went about it they proved no more "enlightened" in their understanding of their self-interest than their counterparts elsewhere (the delusions of their silly admirers just that). Subsequently, whether one attributes the fact to the weakness of those countries' economies under their pre-1989 regimes, or the chaotic and destructive character of the reform process their leaders undertook afterward, Eastern Europe was in a far weaker state than many of those who had hoped for really continent-wide union had thought it would be in the 1990s, with all that meant for their integration into Europe, and what they would add to it if they were integrated. (There was, too, the sheer size and potential power of the Russian Federation even when taken as a single state, and as those familiar at all with geopolitics know full well, the implications of a Russo-German combination in any form for those anxious about the balance of power in the world.) Meanwhile the period generally saw slow growth, and frequent crisis, which Europe's neoliberalism-minded elite met with, again, orthodoxy, most notoriously in the post-Great Recession sovereign debt crisis. (Indeed, if Europe has done less poorly in relative terms than the sneering of committed Europe-bashers about "Eurosclerosis" implies it has still quite sufficed to pose no end of troubles from the standpoint of profits, employment, taxes, budgets and debt--all as Europe has abided by the neoliberal trend rather than trying to "buck" it, arguably to its disadvantage, both where its economic performance and its political attractiveness have been concerned.)
All of this meant that the EU was institutionally underdeveloped--as in its having a currency union without also having a "transfer union," with all the inherent instability of such a combination. It meant that Europe had a far narrower base of power, quantitatively and qualitatively (compare the EU that exists now with one that had managed to integrate the European members of the former Soviet Union, with their 200 million people, their natural resource wealth, and in particular Russia's technological specialties and military capacities), while rather than its tensions being dissolved, or sublimated, within a Europe concerned with getting on rather than nationalistic feuds and power politics, the EU's eastern frontier was that much more a scene of potential conflict (with far and away the most dramatic instance the conflicts that now have Russia and Ukraine fighting the biggest conventional war on European soil since 1945). It meant that if German business did well, at least for a time, deindustrialized, on the whole West European states got poorer and the East European states which had been allowed into the club saw their aspirations to solidly First World productivity and living standards disappointed amid shock that tested the institution's viability, and proved as unflattering to its independence as it had been unflattering toward the independence of its members (the U.S. Federal Reserve bailing out the EU's banks with $10 trillion in loans amid the Great Recession). And especially with Europe identified with elite interests and policies which hurt working people, and ruled out those policies that might help them (for instance, a freer hand in the fiscal arena), that the European project failed to acquire a popular base--all as those looking to play what is often euphemistically called the "populist" card very easily pointed to Europe as the cause of their discontents, and won election after election by it in circumstances promising little but the continuation of the EU's stagnation and slow unraveling that has characterized its recent history. In fairness, ruptures like what we saw with Britain seem unlikely to recur any time soon. (Britain's long aloofness from the continent and physical insularity, and the way its size, financialization and apparent other options for association seemed to give it alternatives, are not shared by any other EU member, all as even then it has been a close-run, rancorous, widely regretted thing, unlikely to encourage imitation.) Still, it is highly plausible that the situation will still prevent further expansion and consolidation, while complicating any attempts at national or EU-wide solutions to the continent's larger and more pressing problems--all as my guess is that in spite of visions of a peace-and-prosperity-minded EU coming together for the sake of security in the wake of the war in Ukraine, the fact that the conflict has been hugely unpopular with many of the EU's various publics, and produced significant divergences in policy between its member governments, will only add to Europe's difficulties in forming a "more perfect union," not facilitate its surmounting them.
1. The building up of the institution on the basis of short-term elite interest, and even that rather unevenly, the elites of the more powerful countries advantaged against those from poorer countries. Thus the EU produced a trade, fiscal and currency regime which gave German exporters access to the vast European market, the benefit of the cheaper labor just over their border in Eastern Europe, and the help of (in relation to their products) an undervalued currency that made for that much more competitiveness in the global market, producing Germany the export giant, and indeed the way a "greater Germany" in the economic sense has come to be the core of the Union. Other members of the Union, however, have not done nearly so well, Germany's gain often their loss (Germany is a champion exporter in part because it outcompetes them, while Germany does that in part because the German government has sacrificed the social rights of the German worker on the altar of "competitiveness" in the Hartz reforms and other policy changes, and with them their share in any gains, as the rising inequality in the country testifies. Meanwhile, looking even beyond the distribution of immediate costs and benefits, what about when just keeping the arrangement some found so congenial going required more than what German industrialists have found congenial in the short term? The European Union was not prepared for that.
2. The practical limits to Europe's expansion in the resulting conditions. Especially in light of that stress on short-term elite interests, with some elites more elite than others, one could expect expansion to stop where really big, deep, long-term thinking was required to make it happen—with one result the failure to incorporate the great bulk of the old "East bloc" and especially the former Soviet Union, with only Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia (6 million people altogether) in the EU, and Belarus, Moldova, Ukraine and especially Russia (almost 200 million people) outside it. The result is that in spite of the fall of the Iron Curtain and three decades of existence what is called the "European Union" actually encompasses a mere two-fifths of the territory of the European continent, containing a mere three-fifths of that continent's people, with little prospect of its being extended any time soon.
3. The economic situation of Europe along with the rest of the world in an era of profound global downturn, with which European elites were ill-equipped to deal. It can seem symbolic that the European Economic Community's first round of expansion came in 1973, the year widely associated with the end of the post-war boom, and the epoch of weaker growth that followed; that the European Community became the European Union in 1993, amid a deep global recession; that, barring the entry of Croatia, the EU reached its limits with the inductions of Bulgaria and Romania in 2007, the year in which a long-developing financial crisis came to a head and plunged the world into a recession from which it never truly recovered, such that it can seem as if Japan's "lost decades" became the norm for the industrialized world, with all that meant for Europe's own prospects.
One may question whether in anything like the world we live in the European Union could have developed in any other way. The relevant negotiations were between countries very different in development and interests, very unequal in size and power, and just as unequal internally with all that meant for the line they took. Reflecting this economic integration ranked at the top of the list of priorities of the elites of the participating countries, rather than democracy, equality or social concern, with many not at all sorry to see economic decisions about such fundamental matters as government spending or monetary policy made by bodies less accountable to their electorates, and imposing limits on what national governments could do--while as they went about it they proved no more "enlightened" in their understanding of their self-interest than their counterparts elsewhere (the delusions of their silly admirers just that). Subsequently, whether one attributes the fact to the weakness of those countries' economies under their pre-1989 regimes, or the chaotic and destructive character of the reform process their leaders undertook afterward, Eastern Europe was in a far weaker state than many of those who had hoped for really continent-wide union had thought it would be in the 1990s, with all that meant for their integration into Europe, and what they would add to it if they were integrated. (There was, too, the sheer size and potential power of the Russian Federation even when taken as a single state, and as those familiar at all with geopolitics know full well, the implications of a Russo-German combination in any form for those anxious about the balance of power in the world.) Meanwhile the period generally saw slow growth, and frequent crisis, which Europe's neoliberalism-minded elite met with, again, orthodoxy, most notoriously in the post-Great Recession sovereign debt crisis. (Indeed, if Europe has done less poorly in relative terms than the sneering of committed Europe-bashers about "Eurosclerosis" implies it has still quite sufficed to pose no end of troubles from the standpoint of profits, employment, taxes, budgets and debt--all as Europe has abided by the neoliberal trend rather than trying to "buck" it, arguably to its disadvantage, both where its economic performance and its political attractiveness have been concerned.)
All of this meant that the EU was institutionally underdeveloped--as in its having a currency union without also having a "transfer union," with all the inherent instability of such a combination. It meant that Europe had a far narrower base of power, quantitatively and qualitatively (compare the EU that exists now with one that had managed to integrate the European members of the former Soviet Union, with their 200 million people, their natural resource wealth, and in particular Russia's technological specialties and military capacities), while rather than its tensions being dissolved, or sublimated, within a Europe concerned with getting on rather than nationalistic feuds and power politics, the EU's eastern frontier was that much more a scene of potential conflict (with far and away the most dramatic instance the conflicts that now have Russia and Ukraine fighting the biggest conventional war on European soil since 1945). It meant that if German business did well, at least for a time, deindustrialized, on the whole West European states got poorer and the East European states which had been allowed into the club saw their aspirations to solidly First World productivity and living standards disappointed amid shock that tested the institution's viability, and proved as unflattering to its independence as it had been unflattering toward the independence of its members (the U.S. Federal Reserve bailing out the EU's banks with $10 trillion in loans amid the Great Recession). And especially with Europe identified with elite interests and policies which hurt working people, and ruled out those policies that might help them (for instance, a freer hand in the fiscal arena), that the European project failed to acquire a popular base--all as those looking to play what is often euphemistically called the "populist" card very easily pointed to Europe as the cause of their discontents, and won election after election by it in circumstances promising little but the continuation of the EU's stagnation and slow unraveling that has characterized its recent history. In fairness, ruptures like what we saw with Britain seem unlikely to recur any time soon. (Britain's long aloofness from the continent and physical insularity, and the way its size, financialization and apparent other options for association seemed to give it alternatives, are not shared by any other EU member, all as even then it has been a close-run, rancorous, widely regretted thing, unlikely to encourage imitation.) Still, it is highly plausible that the situation will still prevent further expansion and consolidation, while complicating any attempts at national or EU-wide solutions to the continent's larger and more pressing problems--all as my guess is that in spite of visions of a peace-and-prosperity-minded EU coming together for the sake of security in the wake of the war in Ukraine, the fact that the conflict has been hugely unpopular with many of the EU's various publics, and produced significant divergences in policy between its member governments, will only add to Europe's difficulties in forming a "more perfect union," not facilitate its surmounting them.
"It's Still the Economy, Stupid"--and Don't You Ever Forget It
"It's The Economy, Stupid" was a cliché of the 1992 presidential election.
By contrast the different ways in which "pundits" expressed the thought, questioning of the idea that "It's the Economy, Stupid," usually by playing off of the four word phrase attributed to James Carville (like "It's Not the Economy, Stupid"), became a cliché of the 2024 election. (We saw this in the New York Times, and the Financial Times, and The New Republic, and the Guardian, and Salon, and I am sure many, many other fora.)
That it was not the economy, stupid, was a comforting thought for those who hoped to see the Democratic Party do well. After all, they were incumbents in a situation in which the economy was not doing well, which meant that its being about the economy was to their disadvantage--the more in as the Democratic Party had dispelled a great many illusions about itself since 1992, perhaps usefully explained through reference to that longtime stalwart of the post-war Democratic Party, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.. As he explained it, in America "Big Business" government is the default mode of government--an unsustainable default, in that Big Business government eventually makes a mess of things, eventually producing an overwhelming pressure for reform that acts as a necessary, periodic, corrective. So far as conventional wisdom went it was the Democratic Party's function to be the vehicle of such reform--a function the party bosses never had much enthusiasm for, and which they increasingly kicked to the curb from the 1970s on with the ascent of Charles Peters' "neo-liberals," and indeed the election of a member of that group, Bill Clinton, who made the Democratic Party a party of neoliberalism in the more widely used economic sense of that term, a course from which it has not deviated (not with Gore, not with Obama, not with Hillary Clinton, not with Biden, not with Harris), in spite of the public's consistent, increasing, undeniable hostility to that line and its results (the mess that got bigger and bigger because reform never came), which played its part in costing them election after election (the midterms of 1994 that ushered in Newt Gingrich's Contract with America-armed Republican Revolution, in 2000, in the midterms of 2010, in 2016).
Indeed, the Democratic Party and its supporters were eager to see the election be about anything else, as they showed again and again--for instance, in the Times' Michelle Goldberg gleefully looking forward to the Fifth of November as a Day of Feminist Wrath in which "women's fury," far too long "underestimated," would drive a mighty Blue tide across the land—the Democratic Party and its supporters apparently oblivious to the fact that they were doing what the Republicans had done in 1992, counting on the culture war in hard economic times, to the same result, losing by several million votes, as even many who were genuinely furious over abortion rights voted for Trump, because It's Still the Economy, Stupid--with those who suggested otherwise earning the sobriquet "Stupid" in an even more than usually blatant and inarguable way than is the case for the Order of the Brass Check.
By contrast the different ways in which "pundits" expressed the thought, questioning of the idea that "It's the Economy, Stupid," usually by playing off of the four word phrase attributed to James Carville (like "It's Not the Economy, Stupid"), became a cliché of the 2024 election. (We saw this in the New York Times, and the Financial Times, and The New Republic, and the Guardian, and Salon, and I am sure many, many other fora.)
Indeed, the Democratic Party and its supporters were eager to see the election be about anything else, as they showed again and again--for instance, in the Times' Michelle Goldberg gleefully looking forward to the Fifth of November as a Day of Feminist Wrath in which "women's fury," far too long "underestimated," would drive a mighty Blue tide across the land—the Democratic Party and its supporters apparently oblivious to the fact that they were doing what the Republicans had done in 1992, counting on the culture war in hard economic times, to the same result, losing by several million votes, as even many who were genuinely furious over abortion rights voted for Trump, because It's Still the Economy, Stupid--with those who suggested otherwise earning the sobriquet "Stupid" in an even more than usually blatant and inarguable way than is the case for the Order of the Brass Check.
Was the "Economy" Really Doing So Well Under Biden?
Before and after the recent election Establishment commentators claimed that the U.S. economy was performing splendidly, insisting that inflation is falling, unemployment low, growth robust, and the stock market "booming." Yet anyone with a scintilla of understanding of these matters knows how all of this can have nothing whatsoever to do with the actual condition of the vast majority of the country, and how it has rightly become cynical about them. The official inflation numbers have long been suspect in the eyes of the public--with the same going for unemployment. (Consider how before the pandemic we had many years of "full employment" that were on close inspection anything but.) "Growth," which is automatically overstated whenever inflation is understated, has long been a matter of paper profits in an ever-more hollowed-out economy, with the same going for the stock market, the dubious benefits of all of which accrue to the super-rich and not working people, whose disadvantage is often registered in a rising Dow Jones Average. (A company announces layoffs, and its stock will rise high. The Bureau of Labor Statistics tells us that hiring is slow, and the Average shoots up.)
Certainly it ignores the way that the long-term decline in the ability of working people to afford the essentials of life, like housing, has continued painfully these past years. Back in the 1960s the median-priced home went for the equivalent of three to four years of the median male income. By the 2010s it was more like seven to eight years, and in 2022 it hit nine years. Only a complete idiot would characterize this as a situation bespeaking unexampled prosperity for the public, the more in as the trend has been similar with other essentials, from the price of a car (used as well as new), to the price of health insurance, to the price of college tuition. It does not sweeten the deal that those supposedly enjoying this era of "low unemployment" have experienced it as an era of high underemployment, not least for college graduates, with, contrary to the STEM fetishists and those sneering at the victims of the student debt racket who love painting its sufferers as fools who got "useless" humanities degrees (the number of these has in fact fallen sharply in recent years), the underemployed very frequently people with "practical," occupationally-oriented degrees. (Did you know that a year after graduation 1 in 4 engineering majors lacks employment in their field, and the picture just gets worse from there? Indeed, the practical business major is no better off than the humanities degree holders.)
It ignores, too, the fact that, as Michael Roberts has explained, "[t]he headline GDP [Gross Domestic Product growth] rate" that is the basis for the talk of robust growth, "is driven by healthcare services, which really measure the rising cost of health insurance," with a little help from those extra defense outlays for the wars being waged abroad (hardly the form of consumption Americans equate with higher living standards!)--all as inventories of unsold goods are piling up, with the last fact the easier to understand when one remembers that, as Ruchir Sharma admitted in the Financial Times the day before the election, the gap between the spending of the top 20 percent and bottom 20 percent has become "the widest . . . on record," the richest consumers spending, the others having less and less leeway to do so given all the ways in which they are hard-pressed--and of course, not getting any relief from the rising stock prices, because they do not own stock.
Still, for all that the talking heads have persisted in telling the public "You've never had it so good"--and afterward, apparently not caring in the slightest that the public disbelieved what they have to say not because it was deluded, but because it was less deluded than the "experts" for whom centrists so snarlingly demand absolute deference . Of course, considering the experts as deluded one is left with the problem of determining in just which way they happened to be so deluded--whether they were deluded about what the public could be got to believe about the economy, or deluded about the state of the economy itself. The second possibility cannot be ruled out--or the dangers associated with that slighted.
Certainly it ignores the way that the long-term decline in the ability of working people to afford the essentials of life, like housing, has continued painfully these past years. Back in the 1960s the median-priced home went for the equivalent of three to four years of the median male income. By the 2010s it was more like seven to eight years, and in 2022 it hit nine years. Only a complete idiot would characterize this as a situation bespeaking unexampled prosperity for the public, the more in as the trend has been similar with other essentials, from the price of a car (used as well as new), to the price of health insurance, to the price of college tuition. It does not sweeten the deal that those supposedly enjoying this era of "low unemployment" have experienced it as an era of high underemployment, not least for college graduates, with, contrary to the STEM fetishists and those sneering at the victims of the student debt racket who love painting its sufferers as fools who got "useless" humanities degrees (the number of these has in fact fallen sharply in recent years), the underemployed very frequently people with "practical," occupationally-oriented degrees. (Did you know that a year after graduation 1 in 4 engineering majors lacks employment in their field, and the picture just gets worse from there? Indeed, the practical business major is no better off than the humanities degree holders.)
It ignores, too, the fact that, as Michael Roberts has explained, "[t]he headline GDP [Gross Domestic Product growth] rate" that is the basis for the talk of robust growth, "is driven by healthcare services, which really measure the rising cost of health insurance," with a little help from those extra defense outlays for the wars being waged abroad (hardly the form of consumption Americans equate with higher living standards!)--all as inventories of unsold goods are piling up, with the last fact the easier to understand when one remembers that, as Ruchir Sharma admitted in the Financial Times the day before the election, the gap between the spending of the top 20 percent and bottom 20 percent has become "the widest . . . on record," the richest consumers spending, the others having less and less leeway to do so given all the ways in which they are hard-pressed--and of course, not getting any relief from the rising stock prices, because they do not own stock.
Still, for all that the talking heads have persisted in telling the public "You've never had it so good"--and afterward, apparently not caring in the slightest that the public disbelieved what they have to say not because it was deluded, but because it was less deluded than the "experts" for whom centrists so snarlingly demand absolute deference . Of course, considering the experts as deluded one is left with the problem of determining in just which way they happened to be so deluded--whether they were deluded about what the public could be got to believe about the economy, or deluded about the state of the economy itself. The second possibility cannot be ruled out--or the dangers associated with that slighted.
The Election of 2024: A Predictable Debacle for the Democratic Party?
The 2024 U.S. presidential election is over, and if you are reading this you almost certainly know exactly how it went.
Not only did Trump win, but he became only the second Republican to win the popular vote in a presidential election since 1988 (the only other such case was Bush in 2004 when he was up against John Kerry, 'nuff said), and that by a margin of almost three million votes at last count. It is also the case that in spite of (the fixation of many analysts on the existence of an unprecedented "gender gap" in this election ) those same observers, including the folks at the Guardian (second to none in its stridency about this reading of earlier polling), are now looking at the actual result of the election and scratching their heads in their inability to support that conclusion with the available data, though not for lack of trying --the better, I suppose, to sideline the way in which the matter of "the economy" was decisive with voters who largely experienced the situation as miserable, all as the Democratic Party's "strategists" delivered a "greatest hits" edition of their record of post-World War II failures. Consider the following:
* An unpopular Democratic Party incumbent (an ex-Senator who was the last Democratic President's VP) whose domestic program withered while he escalated U.S. involvement in a major land war on the Eurasian mainland in a process that saw him keep going beyond his formerly declared limits with no clear end in sight, announces late in his first term that he will not run for a second. Leaving his party off-balance, the party bosses, displaying contempt for the preferences of the Democratic Party base--and giving a rising anti-war movement two middle fingers--sideline any input from the party base to put "their" candidate on the ballot, with, among other consequences, their leaving the Republican candidate room in which to pose as a "peace candidate" before a public sick and tired of war.
* A Democratic President elected in a period of backlash against what was seen by its detractors as disgracefully crude, corrupt and even impeachable Republican governance presides over a period of national crisis in his first term including inflationary shock. The rising prices, and his opposition to striking workers, which saw him resort to old anti-union legislation to suppress a major strike action, infuriate a great many working people, enough so as to make them shift their support to his Republican opponent.
* The VP of a Democratic administration which was widely seen as having betrayed working people runs as his party's nominee for President in the next election--with the baggage of their predecessor's unpopularity compounding the candidate's problems of simply being "uninspiring" to the electorate, both as a policymaker, and as an individual in his own right (with their having tried and failed to get the party nomination in a prior presidential primary arguably not a point in his favor).
* The Democratic Party, facing a rising tide of anti-elitist, anti-Establishment sentiment and popular opposition to neoliberalism and neoconservatism that the incumbent Democratic President has not dispelled, insists on running a thoroughly Establishment neoliberal-neoconservative candidate against a Republican (the very same one!) appealing to populist resentments in ways that made many in his own party uncomfortable, and relying on identity politics and the failings of the opponent much more than a positive platform to "sell" the public on them.
Yes, as the above implies this election saw repetitions of the mistakes of 1968, 1980, 2000 and 2016, of Johnson and Humphrey and Carter and Gore and Hillary Clinton in just the one election, while not content with simply repeating their own mistakes they decided to repeat at least one great Republican mistake of the past as well. In 1992 the Democratic Party in a hard-times election went by the principle "It's the Economy, Stupid," as the Republicans tried to make it an election about the "culture war." However, that was exactly what the Democratic Party did this time, its supporters insisting "It's Not the Economy, Stupid" on the way to making clear who really was being stupid here.
No serious analysis of "what went wrong" for the Democratic Party can overlook the plenitude of factors discussed here--and no analysis which does overlook them should be taken seriously. Which tells you just how seriously you can take the drivel that is most of what has been written about the matter to date, and the worse sure to come as the party bosses and their supporters blame anything and everything but themselves for the outcome in a reminder that the "pragmatic," "practical," "conventional wisdom"-abiding person abides by the opposite of what Uncle Ben taught Peter Parker. If hypocritically saying that with power comes responsibility in practice they go by the principle that those who have all of the power have none of the responsibility--and vice-versa--and snarl at anyone who would suggest they ought to do otherwise.
Not only did Trump win, but he became only the second Republican to win the popular vote in a presidential election since 1988 (the only other such case was Bush in 2004 when he was up against John Kerry, 'nuff said), and that by a margin of almost three million votes at last count. It is also the case that in spite of (the fixation of many analysts on the existence of an unprecedented "gender gap" in this election ) those same observers, including the folks at the Guardian (second to none in its stridency about this reading of earlier polling), are now looking at the actual result of the election and scratching their heads in their inability to support that conclusion with the available data, though not for lack of trying --the better, I suppose, to sideline the way in which the matter of "the economy" was decisive with voters who largely experienced the situation as miserable, all as the Democratic Party's "strategists" delivered a "greatest hits" edition of their record of post-World War II failures. Consider the following:
* An unpopular Democratic Party incumbent (an ex-Senator who was the last Democratic President's VP) whose domestic program withered while he escalated U.S. involvement in a major land war on the Eurasian mainland in a process that saw him keep going beyond his formerly declared limits with no clear end in sight, announces late in his first term that he will not run for a second. Leaving his party off-balance, the party bosses, displaying contempt for the preferences of the Democratic Party base--and giving a rising anti-war movement two middle fingers--sideline any input from the party base to put "their" candidate on the ballot, with, among other consequences, their leaving the Republican candidate room in which to pose as a "peace candidate" before a public sick and tired of war.
* A Democratic President elected in a period of backlash against what was seen by its detractors as disgracefully crude, corrupt and even impeachable Republican governance presides over a period of national crisis in his first term including inflationary shock. The rising prices, and his opposition to striking workers, which saw him resort to old anti-union legislation to suppress a major strike action, infuriate a great many working people, enough so as to make them shift their support to his Republican opponent.
* The VP of a Democratic administration which was widely seen as having betrayed working people runs as his party's nominee for President in the next election--with the baggage of their predecessor's unpopularity compounding the candidate's problems of simply being "uninspiring" to the electorate, both as a policymaker, and as an individual in his own right (with their having tried and failed to get the party nomination in a prior presidential primary arguably not a point in his favor).
* The Democratic Party, facing a rising tide of anti-elitist, anti-Establishment sentiment and popular opposition to neoliberalism and neoconservatism that the incumbent Democratic President has not dispelled, insists on running a thoroughly Establishment neoliberal-neoconservative candidate against a Republican (the very same one!) appealing to populist resentments in ways that made many in his own party uncomfortable, and relying on identity politics and the failings of the opponent much more than a positive platform to "sell" the public on them.
Yes, as the above implies this election saw repetitions of the mistakes of 1968, 1980, 2000 and 2016, of Johnson and Humphrey and Carter and Gore and Hillary Clinton in just the one election, while not content with simply repeating their own mistakes they decided to repeat at least one great Republican mistake of the past as well. In 1992 the Democratic Party in a hard-times election went by the principle "It's the Economy, Stupid," as the Republicans tried to make it an election about the "culture war." However, that was exactly what the Democratic Party did this time, its supporters insisting "It's Not the Economy, Stupid" on the way to making clear who really was being stupid here.
No serious analysis of "what went wrong" for the Democratic Party can overlook the plenitude of factors discussed here--and no analysis which does overlook them should be taken seriously. Which tells you just how seriously you can take the drivel that is most of what has been written about the matter to date, and the worse sure to come as the party bosses and their supporters blame anything and everything but themselves for the outcome in a reminder that the "pragmatic," "practical," "conventional wisdom"-abiding person abides by the opposite of what Uncle Ben taught Peter Parker. If hypocritically saying that with power comes responsibility in practice they go by the principle that those who have all of the power have none of the responsibility--and vice-versa--and snarl at anyone who would suggest they ought to do otherwise.
Owen Jones on Centrism in 2024
Earlier this month Owen Jones had something to say of the "surprise" outcome of the U.S. election--specifically, that it was no surprise. Discontent, not least over such matters as the purchasing power of hard-pressed consumers, tends to work against incumbents--and Kamala Harris, whose substitution for President Joe Biden on the ballot a scarce four months before election day in a manner many criticized as not just belated and undemocratic but incompetent, saw her promise continuity to a public which, on various grounds, seems to see continuity as an existential threat to the things they care about. Of course, many others have said that, but Jones does sum up the situation in a last sentence that I think merits attention from anyone considering the election, and what it reminds one about regarding the limits of the kind of politics the Democratic candidate ran on, namely that "voters . . . wanted politicians to solve their problems."
Alas, in the eyes of the centrist that desire has always been suspect--and in an era in which those who espouse centrism regard themselves as less and less able to do just that than their predecessors, simply unreasonable. Unsurprisingly centrists have a harder and harder time winning elections these days--and equally unsurprising, centrists refuse to acknowledge any connection between one fact and the other.
Alas, in the eyes of the centrist that desire has always been suspect--and in an era in which those who espouse centrism regard themselves as less and less able to do just that than their predecessors, simply unreasonable. Unsurprisingly centrists have a harder and harder time winning elections these days--and equally unsurprising, centrists refuse to acknowledge any connection between one fact and the other.
Owen Jones on Centrism in 2017
Some years ago Owen Jones took on the matter of centrism. As Mr. Jones remarked, centrists present themselves as "above ideology: pragmatic, focused on 'what works,' being grown up," in contrast with the extremists to the right of them, and (especially) the extremists to the left of them, while when one moves beyond the abstract principles to specific policy positions one finds that they offer "a blend of market liberalism, social liberalism and--more often than not--a hawkish military posture." Translating to an obliviousness about the reality that they are just another pack of ideologues pushing most of the substance of right-wing politics with an insistence quite at odds with their pretensions to an enlightened moderation.
All this seems to me about right as a characterization of British Labour party centrism. It also seems to me that Jones was right about how centrists have conducted themselves amid what must now be regarded as decades of not only economic stagnation but economic crisis and nationalistic backlash, "offer[ing] little evidence of reflection about their plight," sure that everyone but themselves is to blame for their rejection by a public as they refuse to admit the existence of problems, let alone suggest solutions.
Of course, in considering what this has meant for the Labour Party, where the centrists were out of power amid the ascendancy of "Corbynism" (and going out of their minds over the fact), Jones would seem to have underestimated centrism's capacity to recover politically--and this without modifying themselves in the slightest. Thus does the last sentence of his comment read that "until [the centrists] come to terms with their own failures, they will surely never rule again." Not quite two-and-a-half years later Keir Starmer ousted Jeremy Corbyn from the party leadership, while if it is undeniable that Starmer passed himself off as a social democrat at the time of the contest, his quick and brazen retreat from his promises (confirmed in his repudiation of almost all of them by the time of the 2024 General Election, as an examination of the party's GE Manifesto shows, while he engaged in a ruthless purge of the left-leaning members of the party in Parliament), makes it almost impossible to deny that the center is back in control of not just the party but the country without having come to terms with said failures as it shamelessly flogs the same old policies.
Still, in fairness to Jones one should note that if the center returned not just the leadership of the party but to 10 Downing Street it did so in most unusual circumstances. The election of 2024, after all, came after fourteen straight years of Tory rule with little but a train of disasters to show for it (austerity, Brexit, the disastrous response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the 2022 sterling crisis) that ignominiously ended one prime ministership after another in unprecedented succession (David Cameron, Theresa May, Boris Johnson, Liz Truss each leaving office in, to use one of Ms. Truss' favorite words, "disgrace"); and with the particularly unfortunate and multiply unsalable Rishi Sunak at the head as Nigel Farage's Reform UK split the right's vote in a manner unseen in British electoral history; which enabled Starmer to become Prime Minister even with his party getting the ballots of a mere fifth of the eligible voters (rather less than Jeremy Corbyn lost with in 2017, and even less than he lost with in 2019). Nevertheless, if Starmer's becoming Prime Minister is less explicable as a Labour victory than as a shocking Tory collapse that one can be forgiven for recalling to the minds of the historically literate of 2024 the shake-up of the electoral system seen in 1924, it still happened, a reminder of just how much business-as-usual manages to creak on in the absence of anything like genuine public support for political "leaders" and the policies they advance as a product of "consensus."
All this seems to me about right as a characterization of British Labour party centrism. It also seems to me that Jones was right about how centrists have conducted themselves amid what must now be regarded as decades of not only economic stagnation but economic crisis and nationalistic backlash, "offer[ing] little evidence of reflection about their plight," sure that everyone but themselves is to blame for their rejection by a public as they refuse to admit the existence of problems, let alone suggest solutions.
Of course, in considering what this has meant for the Labour Party, where the centrists were out of power amid the ascendancy of "Corbynism" (and going out of their minds over the fact), Jones would seem to have underestimated centrism's capacity to recover politically--and this without modifying themselves in the slightest. Thus does the last sentence of his comment read that "until [the centrists] come to terms with their own failures, they will surely never rule again." Not quite two-and-a-half years later Keir Starmer ousted Jeremy Corbyn from the party leadership, while if it is undeniable that Starmer passed himself off as a social democrat at the time of the contest, his quick and brazen retreat from his promises (confirmed in his repudiation of almost all of them by the time of the 2024 General Election, as an examination of the party's GE Manifesto shows, while he engaged in a ruthless purge of the left-leaning members of the party in Parliament), makes it almost impossible to deny that the center is back in control of not just the party but the country without having come to terms with said failures as it shamelessly flogs the same old policies.
Still, in fairness to Jones one should note that if the center returned not just the leadership of the party but to 10 Downing Street it did so in most unusual circumstances. The election of 2024, after all, came after fourteen straight years of Tory rule with little but a train of disasters to show for it (austerity, Brexit, the disastrous response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the 2022 sterling crisis) that ignominiously ended one prime ministership after another in unprecedented succession (David Cameron, Theresa May, Boris Johnson, Liz Truss each leaving office in, to use one of Ms. Truss' favorite words, "disgrace"); and with the particularly unfortunate and multiply unsalable Rishi Sunak at the head as Nigel Farage's Reform UK split the right's vote in a manner unseen in British electoral history; which enabled Starmer to become Prime Minister even with his party getting the ballots of a mere fifth of the eligible voters (rather less than Jeremy Corbyn lost with in 2017, and even less than he lost with in 2019). Nevertheless, if Starmer's becoming Prime Minister is less explicable as a Labour victory than as a shocking Tory collapse that one can be forgiven for recalling to the minds of the historically literate of 2024 the shake-up of the electoral system seen in 1924, it still happened, a reminder of just how much business-as-usual manages to creak on in the absence of anything like genuine public support for political "leaders" and the policies they advance as a product of "consensus."
Is Britain Without London Really Poorer Than Any U.S. State?
About a decade ago the Spectator's Fraser Nelson made the observation that when London is cut out of the picture Britain is poorer than Mississippi when considered in terms of per capita Gross Domestic Product, with comparisons of this sort since becoming a commonplace.
Is it really true, however?
Recently checking the relevant statistics at the Office of National Statistics I found that in per capita terms London was in 2022 almost twice as "rich" as the rest of Britain, with a per capita GDP of £63,400 to £32,900.
As sterling equaled $1.24 on average in 2022, one may say that Britain outside London had a per capita GDP of $40,800 that year. Meanwhile (going by the GDP figures from the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, and the mid-year population figures from the U.S. Census Bureau) the poorest U.S. state was Mississippi, which had a per capita GDP of $48,600 in that year--while second-poorest Alabama had a rather higher $56,200. In other words, Britain outside London was about a quarter poorer than Alabama, and a seventh poorer than Mississippi, when judged by that metric.
The result is that the numbers really do bear out the claim--unfortunately for Britain. Still, significant as the regional disparity may be within Britain, the disparity within London itself should not be overlooked. The city has a Gini coefficient of 0.58--which bespeaks far greater inequality in London than in the country as a whole (Britain's score ranged over 32-33 in 2017-2021), and indeed a wider disparity than has been observed in countries like Botswana and Colombia. It is thus not Londoners who are rich, but a comparative few of them--once again, the differences between classes trumping the differences between regions, though of course acknowledgment of the fact is less than congenial for commentators who prefer to concentrate their attention, and their audience's, on anything else.
Meanwhile, whether one thinks in terms of region or class the reality is inseparable from the way the British economy has transformed since Margaret Thatcher's time, with a near half century of neoliberal reform thoroughly deindustrializing and financializing Britain. London has been a beneficiary of financialization, and the city's emergence as a second or even first home for a disproportionate share of the planet Earth's oligarchs, their hangers-on, parasites, etc.--while other regions have had less to show in the way of anything to blunt the losses.
Of course, Keir Starmer's new government being what it predictably is, anyone would be very naive indeed to expect any significant change in direction any time soon--with whatever little room there may have been for those questioning this path to continue hoping for change pretty much shrinking every time Chancellor of the Exchequer Rachel Reeves makes a public statement.
Is it really true, however?
Recently checking the relevant statistics at the Office of National Statistics I found that in per capita terms London was in 2022 almost twice as "rich" as the rest of Britain, with a per capita GDP of £63,400 to £32,900.
As sterling equaled $1.24 on average in 2022, one may say that Britain outside London had a per capita GDP of $40,800 that year. Meanwhile (going by the GDP figures from the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, and the mid-year population figures from the U.S. Census Bureau) the poorest U.S. state was Mississippi, which had a per capita GDP of $48,600 in that year--while second-poorest Alabama had a rather higher $56,200. In other words, Britain outside London was about a quarter poorer than Alabama, and a seventh poorer than Mississippi, when judged by that metric.
The result is that the numbers really do bear out the claim--unfortunately for Britain. Still, significant as the regional disparity may be within Britain, the disparity within London itself should not be overlooked. The city has a Gini coefficient of 0.58--which bespeaks far greater inequality in London than in the country as a whole (Britain's score ranged over 32-33 in 2017-2021), and indeed a wider disparity than has been observed in countries like Botswana and Colombia. It is thus not Londoners who are rich, but a comparative few of them--once again, the differences between classes trumping the differences between regions, though of course acknowledgment of the fact is less than congenial for commentators who prefer to concentrate their attention, and their audience's, on anything else.
Meanwhile, whether one thinks in terms of region or class the reality is inseparable from the way the British economy has transformed since Margaret Thatcher's time, with a near half century of neoliberal reform thoroughly deindustrializing and financializing Britain. London has been a beneficiary of financialization, and the city's emergence as a second or even first home for a disproportionate share of the planet Earth's oligarchs, their hangers-on, parasites, etc.--while other regions have had less to show in the way of anything to blunt the losses.
Of course, Keir Starmer's new government being what it predictably is, anyone would be very naive indeed to expect any significant change in direction any time soon--with whatever little room there may have been for those questioning this path to continue hoping for change pretty much shrinking every time Chancellor of the Exchequer Rachel Reeves makes a public statement.
Rethinking How We Talk About the Political Spectrum
Recently I remarked the unsatisfactory way in which we discuss political ideology in America.
Having done so it seems to me fair to offer a possible alternative that has seemed to me useful.
In explaining it I think it best to start by saying that, contrary to what some seem to think, the concepts of "liberal" and "conservative," "radical" and "reactionary," "right" and "left," and their various synonyms and derivatives deriving from the Enlightenment and its subsequent controversies remain entirely relevant to the discussion of American politics today. However, there is a significant gap between the labeling and the actualities that causes a lot of confusion. What people conventionally call "conservatives" tend to actually be reactionaries, desirous of restoring a past state of society (somehow going back to before the New Deal, or the Progressive era, or the counterculture of the 1960s, for example); what we call "liberals" and might more usefully call "centrists," who are really conservatives; and what people conventionally call the "left," insofar as this is identified with identity politics, is a conservative or reactionary politics which differs from the others in being the conservative or reactionary nationalism of groups which have been marginalized. Thus do all of them broadly embrace the neoliberal-neoconservative economic and social vision, domestically and internationally, with this at most being adapted in an age of ascendant economic nationalism and geopolitical shifts (above all, related to the rise of China).
Considering the picture of conservatives who are really reactionaries, centrists who are conservatives, and a left that is not really farther to the left than the others, it has seemed to me fair to, following Richard Hofstadter's precedent, refer to conservatism today as "pseudo-conservatism," and extend this to the others by making "pseudo-liberalism" a synonym for today's centrism and so-called "liberalism," and label what many rush to call the left the "pseudo-left," respectively--with the pseudo-liberal, in line with their centrism, giving a good deal of ground to the pseudo-conservative in such areas as the economy and foreign policy, and making concessions to the pseudo-left's demands in the cultural sphere.
Of course, other tendencies exist. There are old-fashioned liberals--reformists eager to redress what they see as the problems of capitalism out of genuine social and economic concern rather than merely "upholding consensus" in the fashion of the centrists in those days in which their equation with liberalism was most justified, and supportive of much more reform than the minimalism toward which centrists tended even before the neoliberal turn. There are classically class-minded leftists interested in deeper change. But while one may speak of liberal or left individuals, media outlets, even political parties, and even argue that the associated sentiments are widely held among a large part of the population, none is an organized and significant force at the level of national politics. That is a very different thing from those tendencies having somehow disappeared, and anyone who writes them off totally makes a profound mistake (just as mid-century centrists made a profound mistake when they thought the "pseudo-conservative" right finished)--but there is no question that, as things have generally stood in recent decades, they have been very marginalized, so much so that those who would like to pretend they did not exist anymore have been able to get away with it (at least, in the muddled mainstream mind).
Having done so it seems to me fair to offer a possible alternative that has seemed to me useful.
In explaining it I think it best to start by saying that, contrary to what some seem to think, the concepts of "liberal" and "conservative," "radical" and "reactionary," "right" and "left," and their various synonyms and derivatives deriving from the Enlightenment and its subsequent controversies remain entirely relevant to the discussion of American politics today. However, there is a significant gap between the labeling and the actualities that causes a lot of confusion. What people conventionally call "conservatives" tend to actually be reactionaries, desirous of restoring a past state of society (somehow going back to before the New Deal, or the Progressive era, or the counterculture of the 1960s, for example); what we call "liberals" and might more usefully call "centrists," who are really conservatives; and what people conventionally call the "left," insofar as this is identified with identity politics, is a conservative or reactionary politics which differs from the others in being the conservative or reactionary nationalism of groups which have been marginalized. Thus do all of them broadly embrace the neoliberal-neoconservative economic and social vision, domestically and internationally, with this at most being adapted in an age of ascendant economic nationalism and geopolitical shifts (above all, related to the rise of China).
Considering the picture of conservatives who are really reactionaries, centrists who are conservatives, and a left that is not really farther to the left than the others, it has seemed to me fair to, following Richard Hofstadter's precedent, refer to conservatism today as "pseudo-conservatism," and extend this to the others by making "pseudo-liberalism" a synonym for today's centrism and so-called "liberalism," and label what many rush to call the left the "pseudo-left," respectively--with the pseudo-liberal, in line with their centrism, giving a good deal of ground to the pseudo-conservative in such areas as the economy and foreign policy, and making concessions to the pseudo-left's demands in the cultural sphere.
Of course, other tendencies exist. There are old-fashioned liberals--reformists eager to redress what they see as the problems of capitalism out of genuine social and economic concern rather than merely "upholding consensus" in the fashion of the centrists in those days in which their equation with liberalism was most justified, and supportive of much more reform than the minimalism toward which centrists tended even before the neoliberal turn. There are classically class-minded leftists interested in deeper change. But while one may speak of liberal or left individuals, media outlets, even political parties, and even argue that the associated sentiments are widely held among a large part of the population, none is an organized and significant force at the level of national politics. That is a very different thing from those tendencies having somehow disappeared, and anyone who writes them off totally makes a profound mistake (just as mid-century centrists made a profound mistake when they thought the "pseudo-conservative" right finished)--but there is no question that, as things have generally stood in recent decades, they have been very marginalized, so much so that those who would like to pretend they did not exist anymore have been able to get away with it (at least, in the muddled mainstream mind).
Discussing Centrism
The indifference to clarity and precision in the use of political terminology by persons presented to the world as "experts" has long been a theme of my writing, mainly by way of the muddle they unnecessarily and unhelpfully make of a great many terms, with one particularly fraught case "centrism." Most of the term's users think it means middle-of-the-roadness, oblivious as they are to the extent to which it is a very specific, highly articulated way of looking at the world spelled out explicitly by a great many thinkers in a great many classics of history and sociology in the mid-century period that were read not just by academic specialists but the more alert members of the general public as well (Arthur Schlesinger, Jr's The Age of Jackson and The Vital Center, Daniel Bell's The End of Ideology, various works by "consensus historians" such as Daniel Boorstin and Richard Hofstadter, etc.).
Of course, some will dismiss that theorizing as a relic of the past simply because of how far back in time it was, and how oblivious many in the present seem to be to it. However, American political culture at large, the content of the American news media, the conduct of policy and politics--the mainstream's notions of what views are allowable or not allowable in public, who is and is not an expert, how the news is to be presented, its apparent propensity for "both sidesism," etc., etc.--are explicable in terms of that mid-century theory, one reflection of which is how a great many persons in and out of public life who cannot even begin to provide a coherent explanation of centrism in the sense in which I am discussing it here nevertheless speak, act and give every sign of thinking like textbook centrists, the principles come to be so embedded in American political culture that without any exposure to explicit presentation of the theory they are sure of the associated prescriptions being correct, somehow. Indeed, they even speak the language of centrist theory--speaking of "pragmatism," "pluralism," "civility," "objectivity," "expertise" as good things, and "ideology" and "extremism" as bad things, even as they have only the haziest grasp of these concepts, let alone the larger thinking from which they are inextricable.
A reminder of how much power unconsidered ideas have over us, the result is that it seems well worthwhile to flatly explain what it is that they are talking about.
Of course, some will dismiss that theorizing as a relic of the past simply because of how far back in time it was, and how oblivious many in the present seem to be to it. However, American political culture at large, the content of the American news media, the conduct of policy and politics--the mainstream's notions of what views are allowable or not allowable in public, who is and is not an expert, how the news is to be presented, its apparent propensity for "both sidesism," etc., etc.--are explicable in terms of that mid-century theory, one reflection of which is how a great many persons in and out of public life who cannot even begin to provide a coherent explanation of centrism in the sense in which I am discussing it here nevertheless speak, act and give every sign of thinking like textbook centrists, the principles come to be so embedded in American political culture that without any exposure to explicit presentation of the theory they are sure of the associated prescriptions being correct, somehow. Indeed, they even speak the language of centrist theory--speaking of "pragmatism," "pluralism," "civility," "objectivity," "expertise" as good things, and "ideology" and "extremism" as bad things, even as they have only the haziest grasp of these concepts, let alone the larger thinking from which they are inextricable.
A reminder of how much power unconsidered ideas have over us, the result is that it seems well worthwhile to flatly explain what it is that they are talking about.
"What is Centrism?": A Few Thoughts on the Matter
Looking up what centrism is--perhaps asking your friendly neighborhood AI--one is likely to get the answer that it is a tendency that is neither right nor left, but in the middle, which is very concerned for liberal institutions, and compromise, and very averse to "ideology." Whoever is giving the answer may also say that centrism sets great store by things called "pragmatism," "pluralism" and "civility."
It is a less satisfying answer than it may appear at first glance. After all, if one favors the "middle," why do they do that? Why should one assume the answers lie in the middle, rather than the "extremes?" How does one know where the middle and the extremes are anyway? In claiming to stand for liberalism, how do centrists understand the concept--and navigate the dilemmas political actors constantly face? Why do they make such a virtue of compromise, and dislike "ideology" so much--and for that matter, seem so oblivious to the fact that even before going any further centrism itself already sounds like an ideology, making being anti-ideological a hypocritical pose? These terms "pragmatism" and "pluralism" and "civility"--what exactly do they mean, in themselves, in connection with centrist priorities, in practice?
The answers to these questions are by no means esoteric. As anyone who has read Arthur Schlesinger, Daniel Bell and their contemporary "fellow travelers" finds, there really is a very elaborately structured understanding of the world spelled out in their writings--a very thoroughly developed ideology--which is the basis of what one calls "centrism."
Short version: centrism is basically conservatism, and understandable in terms of two particular aspects of that tradition, which are not mutually exclusive. One is America's tradition of "liberal conservatism"--the conservatism of a liberal society where elites are committed to property rights, marketplace exchange and representative institutions as against outright dictatorship (monarchical or otherwise), but less enthusiastic about the "common man" having a say in public affairs (that important centrist Louis Hartz summing it up well as a "tradition which hates the ancien régime up to a certain point, loves capitalism, and fears democracy"). The other is the tradition of "classical conservatism" that emerged in reaction against the Enlightenment, galvanized by the French Revolution. If that tradition has paralleled (and maybe informed) America's tradition from the start, centrism produced what is readable as a version updated for mid-twentieth century America, with the essential framework retained even as centrism has gone through important evolutions.
In line with the conservatism common to both of these, the centrist is deeply pessimistic about human reason, "human nature," and the possibility of rationally and deliberately altering the structure of society to positive ends; more anxious for order than equality, justice or freedom; highly respectful of existing arrangements as the best that can reasonably be hoped for, not least in keeping a bad human nature in check for the sake of upholding said order; and fearful of the "lower orders," with their worst nightmare their becoming mobilized behind some agenda for change, in a way that earlier generations of conservatives identified with 1789, but which they identify with 1917. In line with the application of this conservatism to a liberal society it keeps representative institutions, but insists on the need to "manage democracy" very carefully. Hence its insistence on the pragmatic, pluralistic, civil discourse, which takes the world as it finds it without bothering for deeper understandings (pragmatic), sees society as a collection of different, competing interests none necessarily more important or valid than the others (pluralist), and prefers to leave the ethics out of politics in favor of those who disagree doing so "respectfully" (civility). Thus, the centrist holds that those engaged in the political dialogue must forget all about getting to the roots of things and what is right or wrong, fair and unfair; treat the structure of society as settled and off-limits to discussion; negotiate the issues one at a time without (un-pragmatically) seeing connections between one thing and another, while respecting their opponents as being as legitimate as themselves, assuming their good faith, and not worrying over who does or does not have the power in the situation as they negotiate; and if the resulting compromises are not to their liking, take their frustration with good grace, and hope to do better "next time" while never thinking of breaking with the rules. Thus does the centrist focus on mediating the process, with the good centrist politician not the principled fighter for a cause, but the one who "upholds consensus" behind things as they are by seeing that every interest able and willing to play by the rules is represented, and in the process discontent, if not necessarily allayed, prevented from reaching that point at which it radicalizes and divides and opens the door to the revolutions which haunt the centrist's imagination by way of the appropriate "course adjustments." Thus there may be change, but as little as possible, the minimum required for the sake of preserving the social structure, rather than setting about solving societal problems simply because they are problems, let alone turning the social order into something else, as with those leftists who seek a "reformist" path toward a different order.
Thus is anyone unwilling to play by these rules, who does get to the roots of things, question the social structure, raise the matters of power and rights and wrongs and what is fair and unfair, dispute their opponents' good faith as they have in mind priorities besides consensus preservation--valuing equality, freedom, justice over the "status quo"--excluded from the dialogue as ideologue and extremist. Thus to speak of capitalism and class, to question inequality, to cite the theories of critics of the system, to demand more than consensus-preserving course adjustments, to advocate mass movements, is to rule oneself out of the discussion, and indeed one does not hear of these things in the mainstream, with all this has meant for the left wherever these rules prevail--all as the right less obviously fell afoul of the rules, and the center was less apt to hold it to account for its failings.
Thus, one might add, does the centrist think the limitation of the field to two political parties not so far apart in policy and a collegial attitude among the national elite a good thing, thus do they in the digital age panic over "fake news" and yearn for the days when people watched one of just three nightly news broadcasts, thus do they have no problem telling the public to "hold its nose and vote" for one of the two parties rather than looking to any others, no matter how dissatisfied they are--because the limitation of choices of party and candidate and sources of information, and the lowering of expectations, are all essential to "managing democracy."
The result is an informally but tightly regulated, elite-administered discourse that uses liberal institutions to conservative political ends, with even change intended to uphold the existing social structure above all. As centrism's theoreticians themselves acknowledge, all this is very frustrating for those earnest about addressing society's problems, or ardent about the disenfranchised having a say in social affairs, or simply think democracy ought to offer something better than "Hold your nose and vote," and less than pleasing even to many who are on the whole contented with things as they are. Even as the left correctly sees in the center a fundamentally anti-leftist force many conservatives prefer a firmer commitment to their own principles than the "pragmatic," change-averse, compromise-minded center, see it in the avowed right, and prefer it. And indeed the unattractiveness of the centrist framework has plausibly been a factor in its being so little explained. Certainly, I think, it is few who understand it well--but many of those who do, even if sympathetic to the centrist outlook, knowing how uninspiring it is, think "discretion the better part of valor." They may well be right, given how centrism has endured as the conventional wisdom of American politics these past many decades, the center's essential political philosophy prevailing in American life even as the center's positions have shifted considerably in many a matter--an evolution, one must note, reflecting centrism's adherence to that philosophy. Consistently opposing the left, but reaching out to the right--indeed, consistently allying with the right against the left--the center succeeded in marginalizing the left, leaving the right the source of initiative within a political discourse that the center, again, mediated, shifting the discussion rightward and with it those stances the center took as it performed what it regarded as its role within American politics.
It is a less satisfying answer than it may appear at first glance. After all, if one favors the "middle," why do they do that? Why should one assume the answers lie in the middle, rather than the "extremes?" How does one know where the middle and the extremes are anyway? In claiming to stand for liberalism, how do centrists understand the concept--and navigate the dilemmas political actors constantly face? Why do they make such a virtue of compromise, and dislike "ideology" so much--and for that matter, seem so oblivious to the fact that even before going any further centrism itself already sounds like an ideology, making being anti-ideological a hypocritical pose? These terms "pragmatism" and "pluralism" and "civility"--what exactly do they mean, in themselves, in connection with centrist priorities, in practice?
The answers to these questions are by no means esoteric. As anyone who has read Arthur Schlesinger, Daniel Bell and their contemporary "fellow travelers" finds, there really is a very elaborately structured understanding of the world spelled out in their writings--a very thoroughly developed ideology--which is the basis of what one calls "centrism."
Short version: centrism is basically conservatism, and understandable in terms of two particular aspects of that tradition, which are not mutually exclusive. One is America's tradition of "liberal conservatism"--the conservatism of a liberal society where elites are committed to property rights, marketplace exchange and representative institutions as against outright dictatorship (monarchical or otherwise), but less enthusiastic about the "common man" having a say in public affairs (that important centrist Louis Hartz summing it up well as a "tradition which hates the ancien régime up to a certain point, loves capitalism, and fears democracy"). The other is the tradition of "classical conservatism" that emerged in reaction against the Enlightenment, galvanized by the French Revolution. If that tradition has paralleled (and maybe informed) America's tradition from the start, centrism produced what is readable as a version updated for mid-twentieth century America, with the essential framework retained even as centrism has gone through important evolutions.
In line with the conservatism common to both of these, the centrist is deeply pessimistic about human reason, "human nature," and the possibility of rationally and deliberately altering the structure of society to positive ends; more anxious for order than equality, justice or freedom; highly respectful of existing arrangements as the best that can reasonably be hoped for, not least in keeping a bad human nature in check for the sake of upholding said order; and fearful of the "lower orders," with their worst nightmare their becoming mobilized behind some agenda for change, in a way that earlier generations of conservatives identified with 1789, but which they identify with 1917. In line with the application of this conservatism to a liberal society it keeps representative institutions, but insists on the need to "manage democracy" very carefully. Hence its insistence on the pragmatic, pluralistic, civil discourse, which takes the world as it finds it without bothering for deeper understandings (pragmatic), sees society as a collection of different, competing interests none necessarily more important or valid than the others (pluralist), and prefers to leave the ethics out of politics in favor of those who disagree doing so "respectfully" (civility). Thus, the centrist holds that those engaged in the political dialogue must forget all about getting to the roots of things and what is right or wrong, fair and unfair; treat the structure of society as settled and off-limits to discussion; negotiate the issues one at a time without (un-pragmatically) seeing connections between one thing and another, while respecting their opponents as being as legitimate as themselves, assuming their good faith, and not worrying over who does or does not have the power in the situation as they negotiate; and if the resulting compromises are not to their liking, take their frustration with good grace, and hope to do better "next time" while never thinking of breaking with the rules. Thus does the centrist focus on mediating the process, with the good centrist politician not the principled fighter for a cause, but the one who "upholds consensus" behind things as they are by seeing that every interest able and willing to play by the rules is represented, and in the process discontent, if not necessarily allayed, prevented from reaching that point at which it radicalizes and divides and opens the door to the revolutions which haunt the centrist's imagination by way of the appropriate "course adjustments." Thus there may be change, but as little as possible, the minimum required for the sake of preserving the social structure, rather than setting about solving societal problems simply because they are problems, let alone turning the social order into something else, as with those leftists who seek a "reformist" path toward a different order.
Thus is anyone unwilling to play by these rules, who does get to the roots of things, question the social structure, raise the matters of power and rights and wrongs and what is fair and unfair, dispute their opponents' good faith as they have in mind priorities besides consensus preservation--valuing equality, freedom, justice over the "status quo"--excluded from the dialogue as ideologue and extremist. Thus to speak of capitalism and class, to question inequality, to cite the theories of critics of the system, to demand more than consensus-preserving course adjustments, to advocate mass movements, is to rule oneself out of the discussion, and indeed one does not hear of these things in the mainstream, with all this has meant for the left wherever these rules prevail--all as the right less obviously fell afoul of the rules, and the center was less apt to hold it to account for its failings.
Thus, one might add, does the centrist think the limitation of the field to two political parties not so far apart in policy and a collegial attitude among the national elite a good thing, thus do they in the digital age panic over "fake news" and yearn for the days when people watched one of just three nightly news broadcasts, thus do they have no problem telling the public to "hold its nose and vote" for one of the two parties rather than looking to any others, no matter how dissatisfied they are--because the limitation of choices of party and candidate and sources of information, and the lowering of expectations, are all essential to "managing democracy."
The result is an informally but tightly regulated, elite-administered discourse that uses liberal institutions to conservative political ends, with even change intended to uphold the existing social structure above all. As centrism's theoreticians themselves acknowledge, all this is very frustrating for those earnest about addressing society's problems, or ardent about the disenfranchised having a say in social affairs, or simply think democracy ought to offer something better than "Hold your nose and vote," and less than pleasing even to many who are on the whole contented with things as they are. Even as the left correctly sees in the center a fundamentally anti-leftist force many conservatives prefer a firmer commitment to their own principles than the "pragmatic," change-averse, compromise-minded center, see it in the avowed right, and prefer it. And indeed the unattractiveness of the centrist framework has plausibly been a factor in its being so little explained. Certainly, I think, it is few who understand it well--but many of those who do, even if sympathetic to the centrist outlook, knowing how uninspiring it is, think "discretion the better part of valor." They may well be right, given how centrism has endured as the conventional wisdom of American politics these past many decades, the center's essential political philosophy prevailing in American life even as the center's positions have shifted considerably in many a matter--an evolution, one must note, reflecting centrism's adherence to that philosophy. Consistently opposing the left, but reaching out to the right--indeed, consistently allying with the right against the left--the center succeeded in marginalizing the left, leaving the right the source of initiative within a political discourse that the center, again, mediated, shifting the discussion rightward and with it those stances the center took as it performed what it regarded as its role within American politics.
Two Posts From the Summer Regarding the Election
Back amid the crisis following President Joe Biden's disastrous performance in the (unusually early) first presidential debate back in June I wrote two posts. One addressed the media furor over Biden's mental fitness, which generally showed the media at its worst. The other focused on the way in which Joe Biden's "record-player moment" during a similar event back in 2019, which raised questions about his being "out of touch" and even his mental fitness then, was not being mentioned at all amid that furor--and what that slighting indicated about the press. The rush of events meant that both pieces came to seem too dated to be worth bothering with before I had the chance to put them up, but now with the election over, and the matter of the Democratic Party's bungling of the election being much chewed over, they seem to me topical again--and so for whatever they are worth, here they are.
Does No One Remember Joseph Biden's "Record-Player Moment?"
Back in September 2019 during the Democratic Party's presidential primary, in a debate among the candidates, Joseph Biden responded to a question about the effects of segregation with an incoherent string of remarks apparently to do with improving the education of young children in which he repeatedly yelled "School!" in the tone of a Frankenstein's monster. What got more attention than that, however, was the reference Biden made to the necessity of parents having the "record player" on so that their children could hear more words and thus enlarge their vocabularies.
At the time many already thought that Mr. Biden was "too old" for the presidency--not merely at a point in his life at which the odds of his still being of sufficiently sound mind and body five or ten years on to bear up under the responsibilities of the job were (few candidates aim to be one-termers) were increasingly open to doubt, but whether he was already becoming unsound that way, to say nothing of "being out of touch." And some thought that he would never recover from the "gaffe." That people would always remember Biden's response in that moment.
As it happens, amid the media's coverage of a Biden performance at the latest Biden-Trump spectacle that by all accounts was a disaster so great that the most Establishment organs are in despair over Biden's chances and calling upon him to give up the race and permit his place in the race to be taken by a more viable contender, I failed to find a single reference to his "record-player moment" in the press.
One can argue that this has been a matter of effective damage control carried out in the aftermath of the episode, as a Democratic Party leadership once again determined to get a reliable old centrist-neoliberal on the ticket even though this had cost them again and again over the years ultimately succeeded in warding off the challenges to Biden on the grounds of age, just as it had on the grounds of his centrism, and in the circumstances succeeded (as often it did not) in getting much of the public to "hold their nose and vote" for him. One can also argue that the "record-player moment" was buried under a pile of other gaffes (Biden was never thought brilliant even at the peak of his powers, or for that matter, honest or humble about his limitations) amid a general degradation of public discourse, which along with the "interesting times" in which we have apparently been cursed to live made any one of them simply seem less important.
However, it also seems to me to be the case that the vast majority of those who produce our "journalism," displaying signs of what they accuse Biden of much earlier in life, have no ability to recall anything that happened more than two weeks ago, let alone reference that knowledge in such a way as to help them illuminate the present. It also seems to me that even if they had the capacity to make and use such recollections this particular one would be inconvenient--suggesting that those who argued that Biden was unsuited to the nomination because of his condition were correct. After all, the way things work in our media is that the Establishment and its experts are never held accountable for being wrong.
By the same token those who challenge the Establishment are never given credit for being right, even though they are that about as often as the Establishment is wrong--which seems pretty much all the time these days.
At the time many already thought that Mr. Biden was "too old" for the presidency--not merely at a point in his life at which the odds of his still being of sufficiently sound mind and body five or ten years on to bear up under the responsibilities of the job were (few candidates aim to be one-termers) were increasingly open to doubt, but whether he was already becoming unsound that way, to say nothing of "being out of touch." And some thought that he would never recover from the "gaffe." That people would always remember Biden's response in that moment.
As it happens, amid the media's coverage of a Biden performance at the latest Biden-Trump spectacle that by all accounts was a disaster so great that the most Establishment organs are in despair over Biden's chances and calling upon him to give up the race and permit his place in the race to be taken by a more viable contender, I failed to find a single reference to his "record-player moment" in the press.
One can argue that this has been a matter of effective damage control carried out in the aftermath of the episode, as a Democratic Party leadership once again determined to get a reliable old centrist-neoliberal on the ticket even though this had cost them again and again over the years ultimately succeeded in warding off the challenges to Biden on the grounds of age, just as it had on the grounds of his centrism, and in the circumstances succeeded (as often it did not) in getting much of the public to "hold their nose and vote" for him. One can also argue that the "record-player moment" was buried under a pile of other gaffes (Biden was never thought brilliant even at the peak of his powers, or for that matter, honest or humble about his limitations) amid a general degradation of public discourse, which along with the "interesting times" in which we have apparently been cursed to live made any one of them simply seem less important.
However, it also seems to me to be the case that the vast majority of those who produce our "journalism," displaying signs of what they accuse Biden of much earlier in life, have no ability to recall anything that happened more than two weeks ago, let alone reference that knowledge in such a way as to help them illuminate the present. It also seems to me that even if they had the capacity to make and use such recollections this particular one would be inconvenient--suggesting that those who argued that Biden was unsuited to the nomination because of his condition were correct. After all, the way things work in our media is that the Establishment and its experts are never held accountable for being wrong.
By the same token those who challenge the Establishment are never given credit for being right, even though they are that about as often as the Establishment is wrong--which seems pretty much all the time these days.
On Joe Biden's "Brain"
For as long as I can remember I have despised the horse race-style coverage of electoral campaigns so beloved by the news media, which reflects the absolute worst in them, not least the preference for talking about politics rather than policy that is not just a matter of idiots being dazzled by "showbusiness for ugly people," but outright evasion of . . . everything else. Naturally they have delighted in President Joseph Biden's by-all-accounts disastrous performance in his unusually-early-for-the-season debate with the Republican nominee Donald Trump--because it gives them the chance to fill up the headlines with a virtually unprecedented turn in this horse race, namely an incumbent appearing mentally unfit for reelection and being publicly pressed to drop out of the race by his colleagues in his party and their backers, affording lots and lots of opportunity for the kind of palace intrigue crapola and sterile speculation about "what it all means" for how the horse will go with which they love to deluge their readers, listeners and viewers.
Indeed, the coverage has been so obsessive that Rebecca Solnit understandably characterizes "the pundit class" as "desperate to push Biden out of the race," with their eagerness here plausibly having consequences different from what they claim to desire. Moreover, even after this story's monopolizing American headlines for two weeks there is no sign that it is about to end any time soon. The New York Times and its far-from-the-worst-of-rather-a-bad-lot writer Ezra Klein do not impress me as sources of fact, truth or insight--but when the latter writes in the former that "The Nomination Crisis is Far From Over" I see no reason to doubt them, not least because the Times is all by itself in a position to do a very great deal to keep that crisis at the top of the news, all as the rest of the major media outlets of the country, across the painfully narrow portion of the political spectrum the mainstream heeds, show every sign of being happy to help in the performance of that particular task.
Indeed, the coverage has been so obsessive that Rebecca Solnit understandably characterizes "the pundit class" as "desperate to push Biden out of the race," with their eagerness here plausibly having consequences different from what they claim to desire. Moreover, even after this story's monopolizing American headlines for two weeks there is no sign that it is about to end any time soon. The New York Times and its far-from-the-worst-of-rather-a-bad-lot writer Ezra Klein do not impress me as sources of fact, truth or insight--but when the latter writes in the former that "The Nomination Crisis is Far From Over" I see no reason to doubt them, not least because the Times is all by itself in a position to do a very great deal to keep that crisis at the top of the news, all as the rest of the major media outlets of the country, across the painfully narrow portion of the political spectrum the mainstream heeds, show every sign of being happy to help in the performance of that particular task.
Tuesday, September 24, 2024
The Biases of Western Analysts Regarding the Chinese and Indian Economies: A Few Thoughts
For orthodox economists it has been bad enough that neoliberalism has had as its product not only social misery but developmental failure. Making things worse is that a nation should enjoy so much success for so long a time by way of rejecting neoliberal prescriptions, instead following a statist and mercantilist course of development that has stressed exactly the "hard" industries that finance-singing neoliberals are so prone to treat with disdain (along with those who stand up for them). That the government presiding over the progress has been run by a party still calling itself Communist (however little its actual policies may have to do with Communism), that international relations have become more hostile (indeed, even that China has become such a large producer of "green" technology of the kind the fossil fuel-worshipping right despises, such that one does not hear the right screaming against the recent tariffs on such goods in the name of their free-market pieties), has only lent a further edge to their hostility to China's gains. The result has been their endlessly predicting doom for China's growth, and even the outright collapse of the Chinese state--only to see China defying those predictions for decade after decade. Even the Great Recession, escalating trade war with the United States and its allies, and the COVID-19 pandemic, this remains the case, China's growth admittedly slowing, but still greatly superior to what the rest of the world has seen for the most part, with China's 4.7 percent a year average annual GDP growth rate in the crisis years of 2020-2023 enviable (certainly next to the U.S.' mere 2 percent, Europe's 1.1 percent, Japan's 0.3 percent over the same time frame)--and even the slowing seeming to bespeak not the failure but the maturity of an economy that by this point would seem to have surmounted any "middle income trap" to go by its high-technology exports (greater than those of the whole G-7 in the aggregate, and greater than those of the U.S. today in per capita terms).
Of course, none of this has given the doomsayers any pause, the predictions still forthcoming.
Such analysts' ceaseless doomsaying about China has had its complement in their comparative optimism about the prospects of India--which they view so much more positively because in contrast with the statist-mercantilist, manufacturing-minded Chinese model India presents a more thoroughly privatized-neoliberal, services-oriented, financialized economy of the sort they approve and champion, with India's undeniable explosion in inequality part of what they find a very welcome package. (If the term "billionaire Raj" is in many utterances a criticism of the combination of extreme wealth in a few hands with vast poverty, for such economic thinkers the country's generation of billion-dollar fortunes are India's glory.) That India is governed by a far right political party, and is seen as at least potentially a counterbalance to China (a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, but also a member of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue), only makes them more favorably disposed toward the country and the prospects of its economy.
Of course, none of this in itself means that China will not find its development stalling out, or that India will not eventually overtake China's progress (even if in the most bullish scenario this is apt to be later rather than sooner given China's very, very long lead with a GDP more than five times as big as India's, and a manufacturing value added more than ten times India's, to go by the United Nations numbers). What it does mean is that anyone taking an interest in that conversation ignores those very powerful, enduring, prejudices at their peril and should look the more closely at the specifics that analysts offer in support of their claims, rather than relying on their supposed "authoritative judgment" as "experts" in the way that the mainstream media ceaselessly encourages us to do--and pay particular attention to those who refuse to conform to the prevailing "consensus." A good example of this is Michael Roberts, a longtime City of London economist who has not towed the line, least of all on China and India--and, right or wrong, given us a good deal more to think about than do the purveyors of "elitism mixed with banality" so beloved of those besotted with pompous phrases like "the adults in the room."
Of course, none of this has given the doomsayers any pause, the predictions still forthcoming.
Such analysts' ceaseless doomsaying about China has had its complement in their comparative optimism about the prospects of India--which they view so much more positively because in contrast with the statist-mercantilist, manufacturing-minded Chinese model India presents a more thoroughly privatized-neoliberal, services-oriented, financialized economy of the sort they approve and champion, with India's undeniable explosion in inequality part of what they find a very welcome package. (If the term "billionaire Raj" is in many utterances a criticism of the combination of extreme wealth in a few hands with vast poverty, for such economic thinkers the country's generation of billion-dollar fortunes are India's glory.) That India is governed by a far right political party, and is seen as at least potentially a counterbalance to China (a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, but also a member of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue), only makes them more favorably disposed toward the country and the prospects of its economy.
Of course, none of this in itself means that China will not find its development stalling out, or that India will not eventually overtake China's progress (even if in the most bullish scenario this is apt to be later rather than sooner given China's very, very long lead with a GDP more than five times as big as India's, and a manufacturing value added more than ten times India's, to go by the United Nations numbers). What it does mean is that anyone taking an interest in that conversation ignores those very powerful, enduring, prejudices at their peril and should look the more closely at the specifics that analysts offer in support of their claims, rather than relying on their supposed "authoritative judgment" as "experts" in the way that the mainstream media ceaselessly encourages us to do--and pay particular attention to those who refuse to conform to the prevailing "consensus." A good example of this is Michael Roberts, a longtime City of London economist who has not towed the line, least of all on China and India--and, right or wrong, given us a good deal more to think about than do the purveyors of "elitism mixed with banality" so beloved of those besotted with pompous phrases like "the adults in the room."
Emmanuel Todd's Writing About Natality
When Emmanuel Todd published his La Défaite de l'Occident (The Defeat of the West) rightist commentators in America were visibly delighted at the fact of a prominent French academic who had tended to be associated with the left presenting America as being in economic decline, and general decline as a leading power, due to the decline of the homogeneity of its elite, waning religiosity and a neglect of engineering-oriented education, and its championing of "non-traditional" ideas about family and gender internationally in a world for the most part little inclined to have anything to do with them. (Thus was it the case that, while it is far from the norm for major American newspapers to devote pieces to books not even available in English, figures like the Claremont Institute's Christopher Caldwell wrote about the book for the New York Times.) However, those writers seizing on Todd's authority in support of these positions were of course being very selective, overlooking much else that Todd had to say, not least about the subject of natality. In Todd's view fertility correlates inversely with neoliberalism--the prevailing version of capitalism depriving people with middle class standards with regard to "personal responsibility" in regard to marriage and family of the security that they would regard themselves as requiring before they have children, with neoliberal champion Korea's plunging fertility rate and neoliberalism-resistant France's relatively high rate both making the point in his view.
If any of those rightist commentators' approval of Todd's discussion of such matters as the decline of Protestantism translated over to an openness to his criticisms of neoliberalism, it has so far escaped me.
If any of those rightist commentators' approval of Todd's discussion of such matters as the decline of Protestantism translated over to an openness to his criticisms of neoliberalism, it has so far escaped me.
Just What is the Total Fertility Rate in the U.S. and What Does it Tell Us About American Life?
It seems that natality has become a fashionable topic in America--mostly because of the culture war-minded right, but then, the logic of centrism and the biases of the media being what they are, it is that right which sets the agenda in American discourse, its grievances the ones that get discussed.
Of course, as is usually the case with the dialogue about such matters we hear little of substance. Consider the reality of the Total Fertility Rate (TFR). As a quick check of the World Bank's data set regarding the matter shows, the U.S. TFR had its ups and downs in the past. After the post-World War II "baby boom" the TFR trended downward, and fell especially steeply after the early 1970s, striking 1.7 in 1976. There was a recovery, but it was only at the end of the 1980s that the rate returned to replacement level, where it stayed for the '90s and '00s before dropping again after 2008-2009.
The reader who knows anything of economic history has likely noticed a commonality between the slippage in the 1970s, and the slippage after 2008-2009, namely that in each case it correlates with a nasty and prolonged economic shock, the kind that makes responsible people put off having families and children precisely because they are not confident of being in a position to take care of them. Indeed, it is significant that America's TFR hit its low in 2020, dropping to 1.6 amid the addition of the post-pandemic disruption of American life to the stresses of the Great Recession that, contrary to the press' stupid propaganda, never really went away, and with it the added disinclination to make the commitments involved in having children (as, of course, an enormous amount of data demonstrates).
Still, if there have been ups and downs it does seem to me that there is more at issue than the merely cyclical character of economic life. The highly insecure neoliberal way of life that the economically orthodox think is so delightful is anything but for the vast majority of those actually living it, and it seems to me that Emmanuel Todd is entirely right when he argues for the inverse relationship between neoliberalism and natality. Alas, our media, which in its usual manner hastened to give platforms to the culture warriors as they selectively seized on Todd's work as affirmation of their ideas, has no interest in platforming anyone likely to take up those ideas of Todd's, or for that matter, any alertness to hard economic realities and what they actually mean for those we more mendaciously than ever call "middle class." Instead when it comes to topics like that, outfits like the Times give us Justin Wolfers telling us "Don't worry, be happy" in pieces that absolutely embody Thomas Frank's characterization of the American news media's "paramount problem" as its "annoying professional-class assumptions."
Of course, as is usually the case with the dialogue about such matters we hear little of substance. Consider the reality of the Total Fertility Rate (TFR). As a quick check of the World Bank's data set regarding the matter shows, the U.S. TFR had its ups and downs in the past. After the post-World War II "baby boom" the TFR trended downward, and fell especially steeply after the early 1970s, striking 1.7 in 1976. There was a recovery, but it was only at the end of the 1980s that the rate returned to replacement level, where it stayed for the '90s and '00s before dropping again after 2008-2009.
The reader who knows anything of economic history has likely noticed a commonality between the slippage in the 1970s, and the slippage after 2008-2009, namely that in each case it correlates with a nasty and prolonged economic shock, the kind that makes responsible people put off having families and children precisely because they are not confident of being in a position to take care of them. Indeed, it is significant that America's TFR hit its low in 2020, dropping to 1.6 amid the addition of the post-pandemic disruption of American life to the stresses of the Great Recession that, contrary to the press' stupid propaganda, never really went away, and with it the added disinclination to make the commitments involved in having children (as, of course, an enormous amount of data demonstrates).
Still, if there have been ups and downs it does seem to me that there is more at issue than the merely cyclical character of economic life. The highly insecure neoliberal way of life that the economically orthodox think is so delightful is anything but for the vast majority of those actually living it, and it seems to me that Emmanuel Todd is entirely right when he argues for the inverse relationship between neoliberalism and natality. Alas, our media, which in its usual manner hastened to give platforms to the culture warriors as they selectively seized on Todd's work as affirmation of their ideas, has no interest in platforming anyone likely to take up those ideas of Todd's, or for that matter, any alertness to hard economic realities and what they actually mean for those we more mendaciously than ever call "middle class." Instead when it comes to topics like that, outfits like the Times give us Justin Wolfers telling us "Don't worry, be happy" in pieces that absolutely embody Thomas Frank's characterization of the American news media's "paramount problem" as its "annoying professional-class assumptions."
Thursday, August 15, 2024
Book Review: The Profits of Religion: An Essay in Economic Interpretation, by Upton Sinclair
While it is the last of the books I have reviewed for this blog, The Profits of Religion (1917) was actually the first of the books of what became the "Dead Hand" series that Upton Sinclair published.
As the play on words that is the title of Sinclair's book makes clear, he regarded organized religion as a racket--and has been pretty much the same racket all over the world, since the dawn of recorded history. This has, of course, all been said over the years many, many times, but in an era in which it is generally the right that gets to have it say before a wide audience on this subject as on virtually all others so that the "New Atheists" dominate what passes for "rationalist" criticism of religion within the mainstream, Sinclair's coming at the matter of religion from a very different standpoint can by itself distinguish him from those other writers on the subject one is likely to encounter today. Beginning with a surreal and symbolic vision of a field of people trying to, literally, lift themselves up by their bootstraps toward the sky under the tutelage of priests, as the Wholesale Pickpockets Association takes advantage of their distraction to do what its name indicates to be the main activity of its members, Sinclair tells us explicitly in Profits that his "thesis is the effect of fixed dogma in producing mental paralysis, and the use of this mental paralysis by Economic Exploitation"--an effect he traces from the prehistoric past to the present day. That is to say, if prehistoric peoples' incapacity to tell the difference between reality, dream and fancy as they strove to explain the often perplexing and frightening world in which they lived gave an emergent priestly caste the chance to build "a mighty fortress of Graft" upon the foundation of their fear ("Confess your own ignorance and your own impotence, abandon yourself utterly, and then we, the sacred Caste, the Keepers of the Holy Secrets, will secure you pardon and respite"), those particular grifters were through history partners, and at that junior partners, to other and increasingly bigger criminals--helping keep the slaves, serfs and commoners subdued and exploited by more "worldly" rulers, be they lords of war or lords of capital, by upholding the cruelest features of the social order by way of promises of prosperity and salvation, threats of damnation and hellfire, the hand-waving of ritual, the stultification of the mind with obscurantism, and of course, in the case of those who failed to respond to the standard operating procedures, persecution of the heretic unto death, as they made of human life a swamp of oppression and hypocrisy.
The New Atheists, for the most part, would not dare such criticism of course, more inclined to laugh at the poor when they get taken in by the grifters, and rather less prone to acknowledge a relationship like Billy and John's. Moreover, rather than promoting xenophobic and often blatantly racist intolerance, Sinclair concerns himself above all with religion in the mainstream of Western life, and above all American society--with, of the seven "books" comprising Profits, after he has got through laying out the essentials of the racket and their origins in the first book ("The Church of the Conquerors"), Sinclair devoting three to the more established Protestant churches (numbers two, four and five, "The Church of Good Society," "The Church of the Slavers," "The Church of the Merchants"), and still another to more novel American institutions (number six, "The Church of the Quacks"). It is in keeping with this spirit that if Sinclair has something to say of the Lutheran Church of America's then-wartime enemy, Germany, he has rather more to say of the established church of its ally and mother country (and root and cousin of Sinclair's own absolutely mainline Episcopalian Church), England's Anglican Church; that if he devotes a whole book (number three, "The Church of the Servant-Girls") to Catholicism abroad and at home in a time when anti-Catholicism was a significant prejudice in American life, he at least endeavors to be clear that, unlike the nativists of his own time to whom he is anxious to give no aid and comfort, he is criticizing the institution of the Church and the policies explicitly laid down by its undisputed authorities, rather than persecuting people of Catholic background; and that when referencing other religions from ancient Mesopotamia to the present-day South Seas, his concern all the way through is with showing the universality of the pattern he describes, rather than mocking, let alone demonizing, the "Other" or "exotic."
It is also the case that if Sinclair pulls no punches in attacking "actually existing" organized religion, Sinclair also tells us that he wrote his book "in the direct line of the Christian tradition" and "for the cause of Jesus" as "a man who was brought up in the Church, and loved it with all his heart and soul, and was driven out by the formalists and hypocrites in high places," "thinks of Jesus more frequently and with more devotion than he thinks of any other man that lives or has ever lived on earth," and "has but one purpose in all that he says and does, to bring into reality the dream that Jesus dreamed of peace on earth and good will toward men," with the contrast with the outlook of his friend H.G. Wells helpful in grasping his attitude. Where Wells, in that underappreciated book that drew the threads of his life's work together, The Shape of Things to Come, pictured the world's churches falling into neglect for irrelevance and eventually being "cleared away like dead leaves" save for a "few-score beautiful chapels, churches and cathedrals" preserved for their artistic and historical interest (and the same happening with the houses of worship of every other religion)--what good the religions had ever stood for advanced by other institutions, in other ways in the era of the "World State"--Sinclair anticipated in his seventh and last book ("The Church of the Social Revolution") the modernization of religion saving the churches, which he saw as still fulfilling real and enduring human needs. Social progress, Sinclair declared in the chapter "The Church Redeemed," "will abolish poverty and parasitism . . . make temptations fewer, and the soul's path through life much easier," but would "not remove the necessity of struggle for individual virtue"--only raising the struggle to a higher level on which human beings would find "newer and higher types of virtue"--while humans would "more than ever" desire to gather "in beautiful places to voice their love of life and of one another," and do so the better in "places swept clean of superstition and tyranny." Indeed, Sinclair held that just "[a]s the Reformation compelled the Catholic Church to cleanse itself and abolish the grossest of its abuses," so the Catholic Church, and every other such institution, would also be "compel[led] . . . to repudiate its defense of parasitism and exploitation," and himself made so bold as to "record the prophecy that by the year 1950 all Catholic authorities will be denying that the Church ever opposed . . . true Socialism" the same way that those Authorities had already come to "deny that the Church ever . . . burned men for teaching that the earth moves around the sun," or "sold the right to commit crime."
Of course, Upton Sinclair (1878-1968) lived to see that as of 1950 no such thing had come about, or even come close to happening--and had he also lived for the fifty-six years between his passing and our day he would have found himself still waiting for such denials (indeed, seen Popes celebrated for their role as Anti-Communist Cold Warriors). Just as was the case with the institutions he criticized for their corruption what he saw wrong with organized religion proved far more enduring than he expected in those hopeful times, which has translated to another unpleasant irony--just as was the case with his other works of nonfiction, the reader may find Sinclair's concerns and arguments all too contemporary precisely because the world simply did not move forward, the issues and conflicts of his time still the issues and conflicts of ours, so much so that some speak of the twentieth century as unfinished.
These days that lack of resolution, which ever more gives the lie to the smug claims that history as a whole was finished at the twentieth century's chronological end, seems ever more the story of our times--not least as we feel ourselves living through another edition of the interwar era, amid long depression, the resurgence of fascism, and renewed threats of world war.
As the play on words that is the title of Sinclair's book makes clear, he regarded organized religion as a racket--and has been pretty much the same racket all over the world, since the dawn of recorded history. This has, of course, all been said over the years many, many times, but in an era in which it is generally the right that gets to have it say before a wide audience on this subject as on virtually all others so that the "New Atheists" dominate what passes for "rationalist" criticism of religion within the mainstream, Sinclair's coming at the matter of religion from a very different standpoint can by itself distinguish him from those other writers on the subject one is likely to encounter today. Beginning with a surreal and symbolic vision of a field of people trying to, literally, lift themselves up by their bootstraps toward the sky under the tutelage of priests, as the Wholesale Pickpockets Association takes advantage of their distraction to do what its name indicates to be the main activity of its members, Sinclair tells us explicitly in Profits that his "thesis is the effect of fixed dogma in producing mental paralysis, and the use of this mental paralysis by Economic Exploitation"--an effect he traces from the prehistoric past to the present day. That is to say, if prehistoric peoples' incapacity to tell the difference between reality, dream and fancy as they strove to explain the often perplexing and frightening world in which they lived gave an emergent priestly caste the chance to build "a mighty fortress of Graft" upon the foundation of their fear ("Confess your own ignorance and your own impotence, abandon yourself utterly, and then we, the sacred Caste, the Keepers of the Holy Secrets, will secure you pardon and respite"), those particular grifters were through history partners, and at that junior partners, to other and increasingly bigger criminals--helping keep the slaves, serfs and commoners subdued and exploited by more "worldly" rulers, be they lords of war or lords of capital, by upholding the cruelest features of the social order by way of promises of prosperity and salvation, threats of damnation and hellfire, the hand-waving of ritual, the stultification of the mind with obscurantism, and of course, in the case of those who failed to respond to the standard operating procedures, persecution of the heretic unto death, as they made of human life a swamp of oppression and hypocrisy.
The New Atheists, for the most part, would not dare such criticism of course, more inclined to laugh at the poor when they get taken in by the grifters, and rather less prone to acknowledge a relationship like Billy and John's. Moreover, rather than promoting xenophobic and often blatantly racist intolerance, Sinclair concerns himself above all with religion in the mainstream of Western life, and above all American society--with, of the seven "books" comprising Profits, after he has got through laying out the essentials of the racket and their origins in the first book ("The Church of the Conquerors"), Sinclair devoting three to the more established Protestant churches (numbers two, four and five, "The Church of Good Society," "The Church of the Slavers," "The Church of the Merchants"), and still another to more novel American institutions (number six, "The Church of the Quacks"). It is in keeping with this spirit that if Sinclair has something to say of the Lutheran Church of America's then-wartime enemy, Germany, he has rather more to say of the established church of its ally and mother country (and root and cousin of Sinclair's own absolutely mainline Episcopalian Church), England's Anglican Church; that if he devotes a whole book (number three, "The Church of the Servant-Girls") to Catholicism abroad and at home in a time when anti-Catholicism was a significant prejudice in American life, he at least endeavors to be clear that, unlike the nativists of his own time to whom he is anxious to give no aid and comfort, he is criticizing the institution of the Church and the policies explicitly laid down by its undisputed authorities, rather than persecuting people of Catholic background; and that when referencing other religions from ancient Mesopotamia to the present-day South Seas, his concern all the way through is with showing the universality of the pattern he describes, rather than mocking, let alone demonizing, the "Other" or "exotic."
It is also the case that if Sinclair pulls no punches in attacking "actually existing" organized religion, Sinclair also tells us that he wrote his book "in the direct line of the Christian tradition" and "for the cause of Jesus" as "a man who was brought up in the Church, and loved it with all his heart and soul, and was driven out by the formalists and hypocrites in high places," "thinks of Jesus more frequently and with more devotion than he thinks of any other man that lives or has ever lived on earth," and "has but one purpose in all that he says and does, to bring into reality the dream that Jesus dreamed of peace on earth and good will toward men," with the contrast with the outlook of his friend H.G. Wells helpful in grasping his attitude. Where Wells, in that underappreciated book that drew the threads of his life's work together, The Shape of Things to Come, pictured the world's churches falling into neglect for irrelevance and eventually being "cleared away like dead leaves" save for a "few-score beautiful chapels, churches and cathedrals" preserved for their artistic and historical interest (and the same happening with the houses of worship of every other religion)--what good the religions had ever stood for advanced by other institutions, in other ways in the era of the "World State"--Sinclair anticipated in his seventh and last book ("The Church of the Social Revolution") the modernization of religion saving the churches, which he saw as still fulfilling real and enduring human needs. Social progress, Sinclair declared in the chapter "The Church Redeemed," "will abolish poverty and parasitism . . . make temptations fewer, and the soul's path through life much easier," but would "not remove the necessity of struggle for individual virtue"--only raising the struggle to a higher level on which human beings would find "newer and higher types of virtue"--while humans would "more than ever" desire to gather "in beautiful places to voice their love of life and of one another," and do so the better in "places swept clean of superstition and tyranny." Indeed, Sinclair held that just "[a]s the Reformation compelled the Catholic Church to cleanse itself and abolish the grossest of its abuses," so the Catholic Church, and every other such institution, would also be "compel[led] . . . to repudiate its defense of parasitism and exploitation," and himself made so bold as to "record the prophecy that by the year 1950 all Catholic authorities will be denying that the Church ever opposed . . . true Socialism" the same way that those Authorities had already come to "deny that the Church ever . . . burned men for teaching that the earth moves around the sun," or "sold the right to commit crime."
Of course, Upton Sinclair (1878-1968) lived to see that as of 1950 no such thing had come about, or even come close to happening--and had he also lived for the fifty-six years between his passing and our day he would have found himself still waiting for such denials (indeed, seen Popes celebrated for their role as Anti-Communist Cold Warriors). Just as was the case with the institutions he criticized for their corruption what he saw wrong with organized religion proved far more enduring than he expected in those hopeful times, which has translated to another unpleasant irony--just as was the case with his other works of nonfiction, the reader may find Sinclair's concerns and arguments all too contemporary precisely because the world simply did not move forward, the issues and conflicts of his time still the issues and conflicts of ours, so much so that some speak of the twentieth century as unfinished.
These days that lack of resolution, which ever more gives the lie to the smug claims that history as a whole was finished at the twentieth century's chronological end, seems ever more the story of our times--not least as we feel ourselves living through another edition of the interwar era, amid long depression, the resurgence of fascism, and renewed threats of world war.
Of the Term "Populism"
In recent years usage of the word "populist" has exploded--almost always in reference to figures, tendencies, ideas, movements, parties of the right whose politics a short time earlier would have put them outside the mainstream; to what can be called, descriptively rather than pejoratively, the far right. Almost unquestioned by the mainstream media, some analysts of contemporary politics have nevertheless taken issue with that choice of terminology as obscuring the facts in highly consequential ways, among them Aurelien Mondon.
In making his case Mondon begins with an indisputable definitional mistake on the part of analysts--their conflating "populist" with "far right." After all, the two terms are not synonyms. There are populists who are not of the far right; and there are far rightists who are not populists; but one would never know that from how the "punditry" uses the word "populist." However, at a deeper level there is also the reality that even those far right tendencies which advertise themselves as populist have not only been elite-tolerated or elite-backed (without which tolerance and backing a far right tendency would be no more successful than the left tendencies which have such a hard time for lack of such tolerance and backing), but elite-founded and elite-led as they promote elite agendas. At the very least such facts impose on any serious analyst the obligation to admit that such a tendency is more complex in nature than the opposition of "the people" to "the elite" denoted by the use of the term "populist." It also draws attention to the fact that in many an ostensibly populist movement the popular component is not only slight, or only marginally supportive of the tendency in a field offering few choices amid much discontent, but mere "astroturf."
Because of its centrist ideological bias the media is ill-equipped, and frankly disinclined, to cope with such complexity, or penetrate beneath the surfaces of political life to get at underlying realities. After all, the epistemologically pessimistic, consensus-minded, center is neither particularly interested in nor optimistic about the intellectual endeavor involved in uncovering the truth, while being much more interested in adhering to the rules of "civil" discourse. These rules hold it to be "uncivil" to do anything less than take at their word anyone it has not ruled out of the discourse as an "extremist" and thus deprived of the legitimacy obliging it to show respect--all as the center avoids calling out extremism at the right end of the political spectrum, keeping them from being so ruled out (in contrast with the left the center treats as as inherently illegitimate, and excludable as a matter of course). Adding to the difficulty for the media on this particular point it is especially squeamish about attending to realities of class and of power--making it even less likely to call out a "populist" movement as other than that, the more easily in as the centrist is so attached to the image of working people as hippie-punching "hardhats" (with the fact that the thought of a right-wing working class is much more comfortable for the centrist than a proletariat out of an Eisenstein film not irrelevant to their promulgation of that image).
Altogether this gives the centrist media ample reason to respect far rightists who claim to be "populists" as being what they say they are--with, ironically, even those in the center troubled by the far right's ascent the more inclined to believe them because the centrist is so ready to believe in the wisdom and responsibility of elites, and the backwardness and viciousness of "the lower orders." However, as with so much else produced by centrist news coverage the resulting view of the situation is not only intellectually muddling, but highly advantageous to the right as against its rivals. In discussion of such groups it switches the subject from their politics to their presumed popularity, with the same switch uncritically affirming their claim to being the true representative "voice of the people" which, presumably unrepresented before or by anyone else, must be given a respectful hearing, and accordingly afforded a platform for the presentation of its views such as that same media would not have accorded it earlier (and again, such as it would never give the left).
As Mondon has made clear all this has played its part in mainstreaming the far right, enabling its electoral victories again and again--even as that same media condemns "extremism" in its profoundly hypocritical fashion.
In making his case Mondon begins with an indisputable definitional mistake on the part of analysts--their conflating "populist" with "far right." After all, the two terms are not synonyms. There are populists who are not of the far right; and there are far rightists who are not populists; but one would never know that from how the "punditry" uses the word "populist." However, at a deeper level there is also the reality that even those far right tendencies which advertise themselves as populist have not only been elite-tolerated or elite-backed (without which tolerance and backing a far right tendency would be no more successful than the left tendencies which have such a hard time for lack of such tolerance and backing), but elite-founded and elite-led as they promote elite agendas. At the very least such facts impose on any serious analyst the obligation to admit that such a tendency is more complex in nature than the opposition of "the people" to "the elite" denoted by the use of the term "populist." It also draws attention to the fact that in many an ostensibly populist movement the popular component is not only slight, or only marginally supportive of the tendency in a field offering few choices amid much discontent, but mere "astroturf."
Because of its centrist ideological bias the media is ill-equipped, and frankly disinclined, to cope with such complexity, or penetrate beneath the surfaces of political life to get at underlying realities. After all, the epistemologically pessimistic, consensus-minded, center is neither particularly interested in nor optimistic about the intellectual endeavor involved in uncovering the truth, while being much more interested in adhering to the rules of "civil" discourse. These rules hold it to be "uncivil" to do anything less than take at their word anyone it has not ruled out of the discourse as an "extremist" and thus deprived of the legitimacy obliging it to show respect--all as the center avoids calling out extremism at the right end of the political spectrum, keeping them from being so ruled out (in contrast with the left the center treats as as inherently illegitimate, and excludable as a matter of course). Adding to the difficulty for the media on this particular point it is especially squeamish about attending to realities of class and of power--making it even less likely to call out a "populist" movement as other than that, the more easily in as the centrist is so attached to the image of working people as hippie-punching "hardhats" (with the fact that the thought of a right-wing working class is much more comfortable for the centrist than a proletariat out of an Eisenstein film not irrelevant to their promulgation of that image).
Altogether this gives the centrist media ample reason to respect far rightists who claim to be "populists" as being what they say they are--with, ironically, even those in the center troubled by the far right's ascent the more inclined to believe them because the centrist is so ready to believe in the wisdom and responsibility of elites, and the backwardness and viciousness of "the lower orders." However, as with so much else produced by centrist news coverage the resulting view of the situation is not only intellectually muddling, but highly advantageous to the right as against its rivals. In discussion of such groups it switches the subject from their politics to their presumed popularity, with the same switch uncritically affirming their claim to being the true representative "voice of the people" which, presumably unrepresented before or by anyone else, must be given a respectful hearing, and accordingly afforded a platform for the presentation of its views such as that same media would not have accorded it earlier (and again, such as it would never give the left).
As Mondon has made clear all this has played its part in mainstreaming the far right, enabling its electoral victories again and again--even as that same media condemns "extremism" in its profoundly hypocritical fashion.
Rachel Reeves' Rancid Rhetoric: A Few More Thoughts
Recently taking up the issue of Rachel Reeves' first speech in Parliament about the new Labour government's fiscal "inheritance" my primary concern was establishing the hard specifics--just what it was that her government meant to do, and how it looked from the standpoint of the Labour party's promises and image. Quite predictably it affirmed the view of Starmer's government as promising to be the most right-wing in the century-long history of his party--and perhaps one of the more right-wing of any party.
Going over the rhetoric only reaffirms that, not only in such ways as the gratuitous reference to welfare cheats so dear to those who believe stupid lies about "welfare queens" living in luxury bankrupting the nation, or the none too subtle attacks on organized labor (with Ms. Reeves twice attacking public sector strikes as causes of the "inheritance"), but the way in which she broadly raised the matter of fiscal discipline, and situated what remain Britain's two principal political parties in relation to it. Making of "unfunded" the dirtiest word in the English language and throwing it about in the fashion of the pseudomature after they have just discovered swearing as she went down the list of "unfunded" Tory programs, she made it seem as if the Conservatives who presided over the country's brutal, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights-condemned austerity regimen of the 2010s were a pack of government program-mad lovers, upholders and extenders of Big Government and the welfare state who had to be reined in by stern Labour budget balancers in a profound reversal of the simple-minded stereotypes ceaselessly promulgated by Establishment media and expertise.
Much of this, of course, was the sort of cynical grandstanding that the politics-loving courtiers of the powerful, to their great and eternal discredit, absolutely admire and adore, and much prefer to cover as against the policy that is actually the end of all the nonsense, and really affects people's lives. Still, for a moment take it at face value and think--What if this really is, if only in some slight degree, how the world looks to Ms. Reeves, Keir Starmer and their colleagues? If by the standard of these persons Tory austerity really was spendthrift welfare statism, with all that implies for what the British people can expect under Starmer?
Really, really think about it.
Going over the rhetoric only reaffirms that, not only in such ways as the gratuitous reference to welfare cheats so dear to those who believe stupid lies about "welfare queens" living in luxury bankrupting the nation, or the none too subtle attacks on organized labor (with Ms. Reeves twice attacking public sector strikes as causes of the "inheritance"), but the way in which she broadly raised the matter of fiscal discipline, and situated what remain Britain's two principal political parties in relation to it. Making of "unfunded" the dirtiest word in the English language and throwing it about in the fashion of the pseudomature after they have just discovered swearing as she went down the list of "unfunded" Tory programs, she made it seem as if the Conservatives who presided over the country's brutal, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights-condemned austerity regimen of the 2010s were a pack of government program-mad lovers, upholders and extenders of Big Government and the welfare state who had to be reined in by stern Labour budget balancers in a profound reversal of the simple-minded stereotypes ceaselessly promulgated by Establishment media and expertise.
Much of this, of course, was the sort of cynical grandstanding that the politics-loving courtiers of the powerful, to their great and eternal discredit, absolutely admire and adore, and much prefer to cover as against the policy that is actually the end of all the nonsense, and really affects people's lives. Still, for a moment take it at face value and think--What if this really is, if only in some slight degree, how the world looks to Ms. Reeves, Keir Starmer and their colleagues? If by the standard of these persons Tory austerity really was spendthrift welfare statism, with all that implies for what the British people can expect under Starmer?
Really, really think about it.
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